Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.6 (1978) 中国语言学报 6 卷 (1978)
Volume 6, No 1
The present article endeavors to examine and evaluate studies in the field of Sino-Vietnamese linguistics which appeared primarily in the twentieth century, but with particular emphasis on work accomplished since 1955. While a bibliographical listing is imperative for this kind of article, it is limited to a minimum, and the discussions are focused on how the studies were developed, what the current state is, and where problems are. The article is followed by a bibliography which covers only those works mentioned in the main text.
W. South Coblin 柯蔚南
The duruo glosses in the first century A.D. dictionary Shuowen Jiezi are an important source of material for the study of Eastern Han phonology. Although these glosses have already been treated in a major modern study, it is argued here that the findings of this earlier investigation are in need of reevaluation. In the present paper the nature of the duruo glosses is discussed and the data preserved therein are then used to reconstruct the initial system of the language of the Shuowen author, Xu Shen.
Chung-yu Chen 陈重瑜
Preverbal and postverbal locatives can be reduced to the same underlying structure provided semantic features of the verb are allowed to enter into the formulation of transformational rules. Both locatives modify verbs. Immediately preceding a verb, zài is an imperfective aspect marker. In the absence of an aspectual suffix of the verb or any auxiliary element indicating futurity, zài in a preverbal locative is both an imperfective marker and a preposition in the place adverbial. Consequently, such a structure is compatible only with verbs denoting durative or repetitive, active actions. When a verb suffix or an auxiliary is present, zài in a preverbal locative is a pure preposition. A terminal aspect marker ø, which triggers the postposition of the locative, is identified. A postverbal locative thus denotes the location of the static state of affairs at the termination of an abrupt action or instantaneous transition, or the termination of an inceptive motion which results in a static position of the actor (e.g. tǎng ‘lie’) or the mere presence of the recipient (e.g. guà ‘hang’).
Volume 6, No 2
Edwin G. Pulleyblank 蒲立本
A theory is proposed to explain the development of the tonal categories in northern standard Chinese from Early Middle Chinese (Qie-yun), though Late Middle Chinese (Tang and Song) to Early Mandarin (Yuan). It is argued: (a) that the split into upper and lower registers was conditioned primarily by voiced aspiration, giving rise to breathy vowels, rather than simply voice (compare the register distinction in Mon and Khmer and the tones of Punjabi), (b) that the tone shift rule (rising tone shifts to departing tone after voiced obstruent initials) can be accounted for by assimilation of final glottalization or creaky voice to initial voiced aspiration and breathy voice, (c) that the differential treatment of Late Middle Chinese voiced aspirate initials in Mandarin depending on tone can be likewise accounted for by subsequent dissimilation between initial and final laryngeal features, (d) that the three-way split of entering tone in Early Mandarin depending on the class of Late Middle Chinese initial is probably also to be explained in terms of laryngeal features. Evidence is given that even in Yuan one component of the distinction between yin-ping and yang-ping was a contrast between clear and breathy voice.
本文提出了一个理论,来解释汉语声调系统从早期中古音(切韵音系), 经晚期中古音(唐,宋) 到早期官话,变成为北方标准语的过程。作者主张: (1) 调类分高低主要是由浊音送气而非单是浊音所定。浊音送气产生了送气元音。(试比较蒙语(Mon) 和克美语(Khmer) 里声调高低的区别以及旁遮普语 (Punjabi) 的声调)。(2) 调类的转化规律(带浊塞擦音声母的上声字变为去声字) 可以解释为韵尾喉塞化或喉颤音被浊音送气声母同化的结果。(3) 晚期中古音浊音送气声母因调类的不同在官话有着不同的演变,也可以同样地解释为声母和韵尾喉音性质的异化作用的结果。(4) 晚期中古汉语入声由于声母的不同类在早期官话造成三分的现象也许可以拿喉音性质加以解释。本文提供了证据,说明即使在元朝时,阴平和阳平的分别之一就是送气清音与送气浊音的对立。
Ennin’s diary, the ‘Nittō Guhō Junrei Kōki’ 入唐求法巡礼行记 in four scrolls , records his travels in China between the years 838 and 847. As Ennin was Japanese and the linguistic medium he used was Chinese, it would not be surprising if we find cases of linguistic interference in his diary. Owing to the relatively small size of the corpus, it is often not easy to establish many of these suspicious cases of interference in a clear fashion. One such case, however, lends itself to concrete study. This concerns Ennin’s use of demonstrative adjectives which reminds us more of the contemporary Japanese system rather than that of Classical Chinese, a subject which I shall deal with below. In referring to the diary entries, the year and date of each entry are given. Except for a few minor alterations to suit the purpose of this study, the English translation of the diary is based on Professor Reischauer’s excellent translation , the page reference of which is preceded by ‘R’.
园仁日记是九世纪中叶日本僧人园仁记录他在中国居留的日记。在这本用中古汉语写成的日记里,我们发现园仁的指事形容词的用法和当时汉语的指事形容词用法有所差别。作者认为引起这种现象的原因是园仁的日文影响了他的中文,因为在中古日语的指事形容词有近 ~ 次近 ~ 远三种表达式(此の, 其の, 彼の), 而这种情形不仅在同时的汉语没有出现,在园仁以前和以后的汉语亦然。
This paper presents a fairly exhaustive analysis of the historical evolution of prepositions and its role in the shaping of SOV order in Chinese. Sections 1-4 examine the hypothesis set forth in Li and Thompson (1973, 1974, 1975) and the semantic principle proposed in Tai (1975) concerning the emergence of modern preverbal prepositions and their interpretation. It is argued that none of the prepositions examined supports the Li and Thompson hypothesis in a clear-cut fashion, and that a purely semantic characterization of prepositions fails to do full justice to the syntactic spread of modern prepositions. Section 5 suggests that a significant portion of modern morphology is intimately tied to the elision of prepositions, a process which has been in full operation on the Chinese language since classical antiquity. The final section summarizes the result of the paper.
本文从历史发展的角度探讨中文所谓介系词的演变，以及此一演变对中文主宾动词的影响．第一节至第四节评论李讷，汤姗笛两人提出的介词发展的假设（1973, 1974, 1975）以及戴浩一标榜的语意原则。作者指出安汤的假设缺少历史发展的证据而纯语意的解释也无法窥视现代中文介词的全貌. 最后一节指出介词的发展跟中文构词法有极为密切的关系。
The present article endeavors to examine and evaluate studies in the field of Zhunyanese linguistics which appeared primarily in the twentieth century, but with particular emphasis on work accomplished since 1955. While a bibliographical listing is imperative for this kind of article, it is limited to a minimum, and the discussion is focused on how the studies were developed, what their current state is, and where problems are. The article is followed by a bibliography which covers only those works mentioned in the main text.
这篇文章先摘要今世纪初以来的, 特别1955 年以后出刊的东干语言学的研究成就。 然后在音韵,形态, 语法这三方面指出什幺问题特别有意思, 现代东干语言学的课题是什幺, 讨论这类问题需要详细的文献目录。不过著者的任务不是写东干语言学史; 录在文后的[文献目录]只包括本文里所谈到的。需要详细的文献目录的读者请参看日本 “言语研究” 41和60, “中国语言学”220, “言语”6卷6号等。
Review of Dong Tong-he ‘shang-gu Yin-yun Biao-gao’ Suo-yin （An index to Dong Tong-he’s tentative phonologic table of Archiaic Chinese) compiled by Keiya Toshinobu
Review of A Pronouncing Dictionary of Chinese Characters in Archaic and Ancient Chinese, Mandarin and Cantonese complied by Zhou Fa-gao et al.