Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.8 (1980) 中国语言学报 8 卷 (1980)
Volume 8, No 1
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
The principles of tone sandhi in Southern Min vernacular and the rules for their application have already been well described by others. Here, instead, I present patterns of tone sandhi in Southern Min verse recitation. One will notice a close correlation between a) the Min sandhi patterns described here, b) the Yi-san Principle (viz., yi-san-wu bu-lun) of traditional Chinese prosody, and c) the agogic rhythm ( etc.) used in the recitation of Chinese poetry, generally, today. On the basis of the limited kinds of data involved in this preliminary study, one cannot say whether the Min sandhi/Yi-san portion of the correlation has historical significance or is merely superficial and coincidental. If it reflects an historical process, then that process would have been as follows: the tone sandhi system of the standard dialect of Middle Chinese was–at the abstract level–similar to that of present day Southern Min vernacular (which is evidently the basis for that of present day Southern Min verse recitation); it preceded the development of the Yi-san Principle and influenced the latter strongly.
Abstract 摘要
The primacy of poetic rhythm manifests itself in many ways. Metrically, it defines the ‘weak’ positions which allow a greater degree of freedom with regard to the ‘tonal counterpoint’ characteristic of ‘regulated verse’. These positions are referred to in the traditional rule called ‘yi san wu bu lun’ (section 2). Phonologically, tone sandhi in verse recitation is sensitive to the rhythmic breaks of a line; a number of otherwise puzzling exceptional sandhi phenomena can be explained in terms of rhythmically induced ‘tonic breaks’ (section 3 and 4). The major syntactic constituents coincide to a large extent with the rhythmic units such as feet and hemistichs (section 5). The tendency toward a metrico-syntactic match also explains certain anomalies in the poetic language such as word order reversal.
诗的节奏的首要性可以从多方面找到证明．以诗律的声调而言轻拍字的分平仄比较自由．这就是传统所谓的［一三五不论］（见第二节）．从语音上看来诗歌朗诵中的连续变调往往受到诗句中有节奏性的句逗的影响．许多本来费解的连续变调现象都可以看成为诗的节奏所产生的［调组］（第三至四节）．至于诗的语法，诗句中的主要词组通常和节奏单位－如［小节］和［半句］－相配合（第五节）．一些诸如［倒装句］的反常现象也可以从诗律和语法一致的趋势找到合理的解释（第六节）。
Abstract 摘要
This paper extends the approach suggested by Chen (1979) in using tree diagrams to explain the tonal patterns of Chinese poetry. Tree diagrams of units larger than the line, e.g. the couplet or the quatrain, are explored. Among the advantages of basing generative trees on the quatrain is the greater compatibility with what we know of the historical development of this literary form.
本文讨论陈渊泉提出的树式图解，而研究以行组（如两行或四行）作树图分析的单位．本文也讨论一些诗韵跟变调及历史演变的问题。
Abstract 摘要
This paper sets out a metric system for Chinese verse for most periods and for tonal and non-tonal verse alike. On the assumption that meter and the phonology of language are not identical systems, it proposes stress as the feature which marks rhythm. A description of the foot and colon is given and problems of scansion are discussed. The notion that variations of delivery do not change meter or scansion explains in part why the metric scheme proposed can apply to a broad range of verse.
本文研讨中国诗学中的「拍板」问题．首先论及拍踏与节奏中之某些音节的具体关系．次者再探讨拍板与「平仄」的关系．按文中所提出的拍板系统, 轻重音和长短音皆可用以表现出拍板的特色．重音一般洛于节奏的第一位, 长音在第二位．有的诗像民歌儿童诗歌乐府等轻重的表现较为显明而律诗，词，曲等中长短则较为重要．虽然「平仄」素被认为律诗之一种重要特性, 可是按文中的系统, 拍板却占较重要之地位而平仄则次之．平仄非律诗之主体, 其特别用处是使「四模型句」中的每一句都有异样的形式, 因之给律诗加以别的诗所无之色彩。
Abstract 摘要
The strict, but apparently asymmetric, tone patterns of Chinese Regulated Verse, lǜshī, can be seen to arise from a conflict between the tonal rhyme pattern and a basic underlying pattern of alternating similar and dissimilar tones within lines. This conflict is resolved by a transformation. The proposed tone marking of ‘metrical trees’ is dispensed with in this solution, but hierarchies representing the relative strength of constituents within a sentence are still needed to account for the prevalent reading rhythm, the corresponding syntactic patterning, and constraints on the occurrence of tones in strong and weak positions.
中国律诗这种严格但不对称的音调格式可以看成起因于声韵格式和字里行间相似与相异的基本音调转换时的一种冲突．这种冲突可以用某种转换的方法来解决．在这个解决方法中, 被用来注明音调的＂韵律树＂是可以免除的．但是为了要说明一般的读韵相对应的文章构成法的格式和产生强音与弱音位置的限制, 我们仍然需要一套体系来解释句子中组成要素之间的相对强度。
Abstract 摘要
This paper gives additional arguments in favor of a metrical analysis of regulated verse similar to that proposed in Chen (1979) in the framework of Liberman and Prince (1977), and shows that such an analysis provides a unified explanation of the recitation rhythm, the freedom of certain positions, and the rarity of neutral toned syllables. A somewhat different labeling principle for the metrical trees is proposed that avoids the need for Chen’s Tonotactic Condition.
这篇文章为陈渊泉（1979）有关汉语诗律的论点提供证据．并以他的理论, 把 （一）律诗朗诵时的节奏, （二）王力所谓＂一三五不论, 二四六分明＂的原则, 以及（三）句法与格律的相互关系等三个问题放在一起, 统一处理．依此理论, 本文同时说明何以诗词在吟诵之时使用轻声的机会极少．这是因为音步结构树上的节有强（s）弱（w）之分, 而轻声不能出现在强节之下的缘故．同一理论也可以解释诗人什幺时候可以脱离正常的格律来作诗, 什幺时候不可以．我们常见一行诗中二，四字同调而违反正规, 这也可以用同样的理由来说明．最后本文以一个应用极广的原则, 把汉语律诗结构树上的各个节, 统一规定为强或弱．如此一来, 陈文中所提议有关调类排列的一个限制, 便属不必而可以免除了。
Abstract 摘要
Traditional Chinese writers have discussed rules for tone patterns in regulated verse and present day writers, both Chinese and Western, speculate as to the reasons for the particular arrangements of tones. However, there are no studies that tabulate data in a systematic method in order to determine the practice of the poets in relation to the tone patterns. This study analyzes a corpus of Tang poems and discusses the findings in relation to the views of the traditional Chinese critics. The statistics largely corroborate the traditional rules but also show that certain qualifications are necessary.
本文所选诗文分别为初唐盛唐诗人：宋之问，张说，张九龄，孟浩然，王维之作品．总计464首每行平仄除列表说明，并加以计算平仄出现的次数．按此方式，读者得以自464首诗中观察及了解诗之平仄格式．另外研究律诗的格律计算结果，主要是根据清代二位学者王士祯，翁方纲及当代学者王力之理论．计算结果与律诗的格律相较，大体一致．然相异之处亦有几，如柪救之格式．虽王士祯等谓颇为常见，但在464首诗中却并不多见．或许在晚唐及宋出现较为频繁．此点仍复待日后深究。
Abstract 摘要
The bian-wen writings of Dun-Huang are basically prosi-metrical in style. They represent a rich source of material for studying the metrical structure of Chinese medieval verse. On the basis of the statistics taken from the portion of rhymeless verse contained in these manuscripts, this paper argues that the use of tonal antithesis, both within a line and across lines, is the primary factor in determining the rhythmic effect of a verse composition in the bian-wen genre.
中国诗歌向来是句末用韵．但敦煌卷子中不押韵的七言诗和六言诗很多．本文就敦煌变文集（王重民等编，中华书局1957）一书中所收材料，对无韵诗的平仄格律作了一个统计和研究．无论六言或七言，四六两字平仄相对的占极大多数．而行与行之间的平仄对换情形也有规律可寻．换言之，变文中的韵文不一定是押韵之文．韵律往往由平仄调协来决定。
Discussion 讨论
New Publication 新书
Volume 8, No 2
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
It is known that tones are acquired early in Mandarin, and probably in all tone languages. During the course of a longitudinal study of my daughter’s acquisition of Mandarin from the earliest stage, I found that by age 20 months (at a stage of single-word utterance and with a very limited inventory of segmental sounds acquired) she could distinguish all five tones in Mandarin, and at age two (around the time when there is a sudden outburst of syntactic activity) she began an interesting play on tones. Her favorite pattern of play was to take any disyllabic word and give it the tonal pattern high-low; in the most interesting instances a monosyllabic word is broken into two syllables by lengthening the vowel with low-high pattern or reduplicating it with high-low pattern. While these instances of word play strengthen the conviction that the child is perfectly conscious of the distinction of tones, they also suggest that pitch level is the most basic and salient feature of tones, and that level tones are the easiest to manipulate, while contour tones are more complex and difficult to master.
Abstract 摘要
A semantic-tonal process or change is defined as one in which a regular pattern of tonal change is accompanied by a regular pattern of semantic change. Besides the more usual works on phonemic and lexical correspondence, this paper attempts to open up a new area of research in comparative Chinese-Tai linguistics by pursuing the subject at a more generalizing level of linguistic processes. Using Cantonese as the base-dialect of reference, it studies the distribution of four types of semantic-tonal processes in Cantonese, Taishanese, Bobai (spoken in Guangxi), and Siamese (representative of S.W. Tai). The four types of semantic-tonal processes studied are: 1. Derivation by tone change; 2. Reduplication of adjectives; 3. Semantic-tonal processes connoting smallness and insignificance; 4. Semantic-tonal processes connoting intimacy and affecting surnames.
本文尝试在中国南方方言的研究开拓一个新的研究范围．传统的比较研究较为偏重音位及词汇的异同．本文引用了四种在意义方面不同的变调现象．首先将广东方言，广西博白方言，台山方言及暹罗语中的变调现象做了个别详细的分析，然后进一步探讨了它们的历史来源．这四种变调现象是：（1）变调引起的基本意义转变；（2）形容词重叠；（3）表示不重要及渺小的变调；（4）表示亲切，关于姓氏的变调；根据变调后的调值，作者初步将这些变调现象归纳成以下五个系统：1）广东－广西－暹罗系（→非高升中调）；2）广东－广西系（→高升调）；3）台山－暹罗系（→非高升低调）；4）广东系（→非高升高调）；5）暹罗系（→升降调）。
Abstract 摘要
Five vowel mergers which were in progress in Chinese during the period 600-750 A.D. were investigated. The evidence from rhyming strongly suggests a tonal influence on these vowel mergers; they tend to appear first in the ze-sheng (shang-, qu, and ru-sheng: the oblique tones), and then, after a period of time, migrate to the ping-sheng (level tone). Evidence from contemporary fan-qie spellings shows (1) that these mergers were indeed in progress at this time, and (2) likewise suggests the presence of tonal influence.
在唐代（西元六一八至九０六）中国语言的元音系统一直在简化中．其中有一些原来不同类的元音，当时正在合并的过程中．为了探究西元六００至七五０（约初唐盛唐时）语音的元音演变．本文先调查当时二十六位诗人所用的韵．发现其用韵中常混韵，这似乎表示其元音正在合并的过程中（一般来说，诗人的时代愈晚，其混韵者愈显明）．值得注意的是：当时正在合并过程中的一些元音，似乎受了声调的影响．大致说来，元音的合并现象（即混韵者）首先产生于仄声韵中，过了较长的时间，才移至平声韵．上节所述的元音合并现象，亦可见于当时反切中的混韵．因为从韵中得来的混韵例子和同时从反切中得来的混韵例子相符．由此可知当时有些元音，确实正在演变和合流．次外．该反切中混韵的例子亦反映出仄声调对元音音质的影响；元音合并的过程，在仄声较为领先，反而在平声中较为落后．在现代的中国北方方言中，可以找出类似的现象。现在所用的仄声声调（即上去二声，入声一般失掉了）会影响到元音，改变元音的音质。那是说，一个元音的平声音质，转用上声或去声读，其音质就产生变化。这和上面所述的唐代现象颇类似，这也可能会帮助我们了解唐代元音合并时，声调与元音音质的关系。
Abstract 摘要
A theory of ‘refinement’ (as contrasted with ‘simplification’) is proposed to account for the historical development of the coverbs and the coverbial phrases in Chinese. In EAC, a few coverbs with ‘broad’ or general meanings were gradually replaced by many coverbs of specific properties. The Archaic documents demonstrate the versatile use of the universal coverb yú and five other coverbs in EAC. The number proliferated to twenty in LAC, forty in LHC, and sixty in Modern Chinese (not including twenty that have now disappeared).
本文提议以功用精化理论（与语言简化理论相对）解释汉语同动词与同动词组之历史演变。在上古时期，以‘于’为首之有数几个意义广泛之同动词逐渐被许多具有特殊功用之同动词替代。上古典籍充分显示具有普遍性功用之‘于’与其它五个同动词之广泛用途。在上古后期（先秦）同动词数目即增至二十 之数；在后汉后又加至四十；而在现代汉语中，綐数已超过六十。此数尚不包括二十个已淘汰之同动词。本文同时提出另一见解：即是各种同动词组在句中似遵循某种逻辑或时间之先后而作特定排列，造成动词组之连动结构。各种同动词之特定排列在汉语历史上似无变化之证据可寻。有普遍功用之‘于’不仅指示多数动名关系，并且互存在句中可作‘是，在，有’之用途。由于‘于’作动词或同动词时必居名词之前，故各种名词初视时有同处所词之后果，其现象如同时间词作处所词。
Abstract 摘要
The Zhunyanese language spoken in the USSR is unique in several ways. (1) Zhunyanese has been accorded the status of a literary language and differs appreciably from Standard Mandarin because of its independence from the language planning norms promulgated in the People’s Republic of China. (2) As the language of a traditionally Muslim population, Zhunyanese has historically been receptive to enrichment from Arabic and Persian loans. Hence, the language has developed strong links, mainly lexical, with other Islamic languages in the USSR and the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region. (3) Zhunyanese provides a laboratory in which to explore the development of a communal (Muslim) dialect and as such invites comparison with other communal languages such as Yiddish. (4) For the student of language planning, Zhunyanese presents a laboratory for studying the process of Sovietization.
苏联的东干语有几个特点：（1）它没有受近年中国语言改革的影响，所以跟普通话有很多差别；（2）它处在回教环境之内有不少来之阿拉伯语及波斯语的借词，在词汇上接近苏联的跟新疆的回教语言；（3）它是一种公社性的语言，发展上可比于依地语；（4）从语言计划角度看来也可由它研究苏维埃化的过程。
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