Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.8 (1980) 中国语言学报 8 卷 (1980)
Volume 8, No 1
The principles of tone sandhi in Southern Min vernacular and the rules for their application have already been well described by others. Here, instead, I present patterns of tone sandhi in Southern Min verse recitation. One will notice a close correlation between a) the Min sandhi patterns described here, b) the Yi-san Principle (viz., yi-san-wu bu-lun) of traditional Chinese prosody, and c) the agogic rhythm ( etc.) used in the recitation of Chinese poetry, generally, today. On the basis of the limited kinds of data involved in this preliminary study, one cannot say whether the Min sandhi/Yi-san portion of the correlation has historical significance or is merely superficial and coincidental. If it reflects an historical process, then that process would have been as follows: the tone sandhi system of the standard dialect of Middle Chinese was–at the abstract level–similar to that of present day Southern Min vernacular (which is evidently the basis for that of present day Southern Min verse recitation); it preceded the development of the Yi-san Principle and influenced the latter strongly.
The primacy of poetic rhythm manifests itself in many ways. Metrically, it defines the ‘weak’ positions which allow a greater degree of freedom with regard to the ‘tonal counterpoint’ characteristic of ‘regulated verse’. These positions are referred to in the traditional rule called ‘yi san wu bu lun’ (section 2). Phonologically, tone sandhi in verse recitation is sensitive to the rhythmic breaks of a line; a number of otherwise puzzling exceptional sandhi phenomena can be explained in terms of rhythmically induced ‘tonic breaks’ (section 3 and 4). The major syntactic constituents coincide to a large extent with the rhythmic units such as feet and hemistichs (section 5). The tendency toward a metrico-syntactic match also explains certain anomalies in the poetic language such as word order reversal.
This paper extends the approach suggested by Chen (1979) in using tree diagrams to explain the tonal patterns of Chinese poetry. Tree diagrams of units larger than the line, e.g. the couplet or the quatrain, are explored. Among the advantages of basing generative trees on the quatrain is the greater compatibility with what we know of the historical development of this literary form.
This paper sets out a metric system for Chinese verse for most periods and for tonal and non-tonal verse alike. On the assumption that meter and the phonology of language are not identical systems, it proposes stress as the feature which marks rhythm. A description of the foot and colon is given and problems of scansion are discussed. The notion that variations of delivery do not change meter or scansion explains in part why the metric scheme proposed can apply to a broad range of verse.
本文研讨中国诗学中的「拍板」问题．首先论及拍踏与节奏中之某些音节的具体关系．次者再探讨拍板与「平仄」的关系．按文中所提出的拍板系统, 轻重音和长短音皆可用以表现出拍板的特色．重音一般洛于节奏的第一位, 长音在第二位．有的诗像民歌儿童诗歌乐府等轻重的表现较为显明而律诗，词，曲等中长短则较为重要．虽然「平仄」素被认为律诗之一种重要特性, 可是按文中的系统, 拍板却占较重要之地位而平仄则次之．平仄非律诗之主体, 其特别用处是使「四模型句」中的每一句都有异样的形式, 因之给律诗加以别的诗所无之色彩。
The strict, but apparently asymmetric, tone patterns of Chinese Regulated Verse, lǜshī, can be seen to arise from a conflict between the tonal rhyme pattern and a basic underlying pattern of alternating similar and dissimilar tones within lines. This conflict is resolved by a transformation. The proposed tone marking of ‘metrical trees’ is dispensed with in this solution, but hierarchies representing the relative strength of constituents within a sentence are still needed to account for the prevalent reading rhythm, the corresponding syntactic patterning, and constraints on the occurrence of tones in strong and weak positions.
中国律诗这种严格但不对称的音调格式可以看成起因于声韵格式和字里行间相似与相异的基本音调转换时的一种冲突．这种冲突可以用某种转换的方法来解决．在这个解决方法中, 被用来注明音调的＂韵律树＂是可以免除的．但是为了要说明一般的读韵相对应的文章构成法的格式和产生强音与弱音位置的限制, 我们仍然需要一套体系来解释句子中组成要素之间的相对强度。
This paper gives additional arguments in favor of a metrical analysis of regulated verse similar to that proposed in Chen (1979) in the framework of Liberman and Prince (1977), and shows that such an analysis provides a unified explanation of the recitation rhythm, the freedom of certain positions, and the rarity of neutral toned syllables. A somewhat different labeling principle for the metrical trees is proposed that avoids the need for Chen’s Tonotactic Condition.
这篇文章为陈渊泉（1979）有关汉语诗律的论点提供证据．并以他的理论, 把 （一）律诗朗诵时的节奏, （二）王力所谓＂一三五不论, 二四六分明＂的原则, 以及（三）句法与格律的相互关系等三个问题放在一起, 统一处理．依此理论, 本文同时说明何以诗词在吟诵之时使用轻声的机会极少．这是因为音步结构树上的节有强（s）弱（w）之分, 而轻声不能出现在强节之下的缘故．同一理论也可以解释诗人什幺时候可以脱离正常的格律来作诗, 什幺时候不可以．我们常见一行诗中二，四字同调而违反正规, 这也可以用同样的理由来说明．最后本文以一个应用极广的原则, 把汉语律诗结构树上的各个节, 统一规定为强或弱．如此一来, 陈文中所提议有关调类排列的一个限制, 便属不必而可以免除了。
Traditional Chinese writers have discussed rules for tone patterns in regulated verse and present day writers, both Chinese and Western, speculate as to the reasons for the particular arrangements of tones. However, there are no studies that tabulate data in a systematic method in order to determine the practice of the poets in relation to the tone patterns. This study analyzes a corpus of Tang poems and discusses the findings in relation to the views of the traditional Chinese critics. The statistics largely corroborate the traditional rules but also show that certain qualifications are necessary.
The bian-wen writings of Dun-Huang are basically prosi-metrical in style. They represent a rich source of material for studying the metrical structure of Chinese medieval verse. On the basis of the statistics taken from the portion of rhymeless verse contained in these manuscripts, this paper argues that the use of tonal antithesis, both within a line and across lines, is the primary factor in determining the rhythmic effect of a verse composition in the bian-wen genre.
New Publication 新书
Volume 8, No 2
It is known that tones are acquired early in Mandarin, and probably in all tone languages. During the course of a longitudinal study of my daughter’s acquisition of Mandarin from the earliest stage, I found that by age 20 months (at a stage of single-word utterance and with a very limited inventory of segmental sounds acquired) she could distinguish all five tones in Mandarin, and at age two (around the time when there is a sudden outburst of syntactic activity) she began an interesting play on tones. Her favorite pattern of play was to take any disyllabic word and give it the tonal pattern high-low; in the most interesting instances a monosyllabic word is broken into two syllables by lengthening the vowel with low-high pattern or reduplicating it with high-low pattern. While these instances of word play strengthen the conviction that the child is perfectly conscious of the distinction of tones, they also suggest that pitch level is the most basic and salient feature of tones, and that level tones are the easiest to manipulate, while contour tones are more complex and difficult to master.
语音里的声调，幼儿学说话的时候很早就学会．笔者的女儿二十个月大的时候，虽然只会单字句，发音也只限于很少的声韵．可是能辨别普通话里的五个声调，而且两岁以后开始一种很有意思的声调游戏．双音词不论原来念什么调一律念成高调＋低调；单音词有的时候把母音延长念成低调＋高调的双音词，有的时候重叠成高调＋低调的双音词．这些语言游戏，一方面显示幼儿能有意识地辨别声调，一方面提示音高是声调最基本的特征，平调（ 平声！）最容易操纵，仄调（=升调，降调，升降调，降升调等， 仄声！）比较复杂也难学。
Tak Him Kam 甘德谦
A semantic-tonal process or change is defined as one in which a regular pattern of tonal change is accompanied by a regular pattern of semantic change. Besides the more usual works on phonemic and lexical correspondence, this paper attempts to open up a new area of research in comparative Chinese-Tai linguistics by pursuing the subject at a more generalizing level of linguistic processes. Using Cantonese as the base-dialect of reference, it studies the distribution of four types of semantic-tonal processes in Cantonese, Taishanese, Bobai (spoken in Guangxi), and Siamese (representative of S.W. Tai). The four types of semantic-tonal processes studied are: 1. Derivation by tone change; 2. Reduplication of adjectives; 3. Semantic-tonal processes connoting smallness and insignificance; 4. Semantic-tonal processes connoting intimacy and affecting surnames.
Five vowel mergers which were in progress in Chinese during the period 600-750 A.D. were investigated. The evidence from rhyming strongly suggests a tonal influence on these vowel mergers; they tend to appear first in the ze-sheng (shang-, qu, and ru-sheng: the oblique tones), and then, after a period of time, migrate to the ping-sheng (level tone). Evidence from contemporary fan-qie spellings shows (1) that these mergers were indeed in progress at this time, and (2) likewise suggests the presence of tonal influence.
Y. C. Li 李英哲
A theory of ‘refinement’ (as contrasted with ‘simplification’) is proposed to account for the historical development of the coverbs and the coverbial phrases in Chinese. In EAC, a few coverbs with ‘broad’ or general meanings were gradually replaced by many coverbs of specific properties. The Archaic documents demonstrate the versatile use of the universal coverb yú and five other coverbs in EAC. The number proliferated to twenty in LAC, forty in LHC, and sixty in Modern Chinese (not including twenty that have now disappeared).
The Zhunyanese language spoken in the USSR is unique in several ways. (1) Zhunyanese has been accorded the status of a literary language and differs appreciably from Standard Mandarin because of its independence from the language planning norms promulgated in the People’s Republic of China. (2) As the language of a traditionally Muslim population, Zhunyanese has historically been receptive to enrichment from Arabic and Persian loans. Hence, the language has developed strong links, mainly lexical, with other Islamic languages in the USSR and the Xinjiang Uigur Autonomous Region. (3) Zhunyanese provides a laboratory in which to explore the development of a communal (Muslim) dialect and as such invites comparison with other communal languages such as Yiddish. (4) For the student of language planning, Zhunyanese presents a laboratory for studying the process of Sovietization.