Volume 13, No 1
It is a well-known fact that Chinese morphemes are overwhelmingly monosyllabic. As a variety of Chinese, Taiwanese also shares this characteristic. There are two types of exceptions to this general rule, exemplified in Mandarin by the polysyllabic morphemes húdie ‘butterfly’ and bōli ‘glass’, and by the subsyllabic béng ‘don’t’, a contraction of the disyllabic expression búyòng, It is the purpose of this paper to investigate this second type of exception to the otherwise monosyllabic nature of morphemes in Taiwanese, viz, morphemes that are subsyllabic. For it will be seen that in Taiwanese there are single syllables that contain more than one morpheme.
汉语的词素绝大多数是单音节。多音节词素（如玻璃）和次音节词素（指一个词素只构成一个音节的一部分，如‘甭’中‘不’和‘用’）应算是这个通则的例外情形。本文分类收集台语里的一百多个次音节词素。并讨论可以导致两音节合音成单音节的句法上语音上的条件和合音后如何发音。在语音上第一音节的需要零韵尾，第二音节需要零声母零介母，才能导致合音。第二音节如不是零声母或零介母，似需先变成零声母，零介母。声母当中浊声母比轻声母容易变成零声母。在句法上合音所涉及的词绝大多数是虚词。实词的合音似乎没有。又有些词要求双音节。如叫称的 a-î （阿姨）虽然合乎语音上的合音条件，但从未有合音的情形。至于合音后的发音：声调决定于未合音前第一音节的头一部分和第二音节的后一部分的调值。声母采用第一音节的声母。韵尾即采用第二音节的韵尾。至于主要元音可能是第一音节的，或是第二音节的主要元音，也可能是两者的合音。
Numerals and expressions of quantity can function as predicate in both oracle-bone inscriptions and Classical Chinese. This paper analyzes the use of numerals as employed in the pattern Verb + Noun1 + Noun2 + Numeral, where Noun1 stands for the indirect object and Noun2 the direct object of the verb. An example of this pattern is 来甲午侑伐上甲十 (on coming jiawu day/ (we) should offer/Shang Jia/beheaded-human-victims/ten). Three different interpretations concerning the use of the numeral “ten” are posited: (i) it functions as a main verb, meaning “make (the number) be ten”; (ii) it functions as a predicate, but it is only an elliptical expression of the hypothetically full clause *侑十伐上甲. The sentence as a whole should be represented on the underlying level as *来甲午侑伐上甲, 侑十伐上甲, from which the underlined portions are deleted. Interpreted thus, the sentence may be understood as “*When/if on coming jiawu day (we) offer beheaded-human-victims to Shang Jia, (we) should offer ten (of the aforementioned) beheaded-human-victims (to) Shang Jia”; (iii) it functions as a quantitative complement to the verb, embodying a syntactic type in which two pieces of new information, the direct object and its number, are incorporated into a single sentence. The sentence may be understood as “On coming jiawu day (we) should offer Shang Jia beheaded-human-victims (numbering/amounting to) ten.” The paper discusses the problem of deletion in the oracle-bone language, paying particular attention to the criterion of new vs. old/shared information which led to the deletion. It argues, in effect, that the numeral “ten” is the necessary residue of the underlying form *伐十伐 and that the optimum choice among the three interpretations is (iii).
在甲骨文跟古汉语里，数词和量词可做为动词。本文分析数词在动＋名1＋名2＋数句型里的用法。在这个句型中，第一个名词代表间接宾语，第二个名词代表直接宾语。例如，来甲午侑伐上甲十（次甲午日/（我们）要侑（献）/人牲/（给）上甲/ 十） 。关于数词 ‘十’的用法，我们假设有三种不同的解释：(i) 它可用做主动词，意即‘使成十人’；(ii) 它可用做述语，但只作为假设完成句的省略表现，即*侑十伐上甲。全句应以‘来甲午侑伐上甲，侑十伐上甲’的深层结构来表示，而省掉深层结构中画线的部分。如此解释，则此句可解作 ‘*在次甲午日时/如果在次甲午日（我们）要有侑献人牲给上甲，要献（上面所说的）十个人牲给上甲’ (iii) 它可用作动词的量词补语，表现一种具有两个新信讯的句型，即直接宾语和其量词，亦即此新信讯已包括在一个单一的句子里。第一段所举的句子亦可解作‘次甲午日（我们）要侑献人牲给上甲，（人牲之数合计为）十’。本文讨论甲骨文中一般的省略问题，尤其注意到量词补语。结论支持量词 ‘十’是深层结构 ‘*伐十伐’ 中的必要剩余要素。以上三种解释中，(iii) 算是最佳选择。
Chinese and American subjects were requested to identify speech tokens from four different Tone 1-Tone 2 continua. These continua represented a word/word continuum ([FEI1]-[FEI2]), a word/nonword continuum ([HEI1]-[HEI2]), a nonword/word continuum ([SHEI1]-[SHEI2], a nonword/nonword continuum ([DEI1]-[DEI2]) in Mandarin. Results showed that the tonal category boundaries of Chinese subjects were shifted in the direction of the nonword endpoints for both the word/nonword and nonword/word continua relative to the word/word continuum. The American subjects showed no such shift. These data were interpreted as suggesting that the lexical status of a speech token may significantly affect phonetic processing.
The study of a secret language may reveal the phonological structure of the source language. There are dialects in the Taiwanese secret language, three of which are described in this paper. The rules of the secret language are somewhat complex. Although the general rule is similar to the ones in the secret languages of other Chinese dialects, yet some modifications to the general rule are unique to Taiwanese, such as nasal rules, a stop-ending rule, a dental sonorant rule, and a syllabic nasal rule. For formalization three main types of rules are required to derive the secret language from the source language: (1) reduplication, (2) first syllable adjustment and (3) second syllable adjustment. Each type of rule may contain two subrules, which in turn may be further subdivided. Implications of the study of the secret language include the following. (1) The bipartite division of the Taiwanese syllable into the initial and final by the secret language is essentially the same as the fanqie system in traditional Chinese phonology. (2) The way the nasal rule of the secret language operates indicates that the feature of nasality is a property of the entire syllable. (3) Evidence in the secret language shows that the dentals are more neutral than the labials or velars, and this may have bearing on phonological universals.
秘密语是一种语言游戏。赵元任先生早在半个世纪以前就已发表了‘反切语八种’一文，并指出反切语是一种秘密语。本文所描述的台湾闽南方言的秘密语跟其它汉语方言的秘密语相似，也是采取反切语的形式，把一个音节分成两个音节，也分‘声’与‘韵’两部分。例如把说成. 不过因为闽南语的音韵系统有一些特征，因此便有一些特殊的调整规律，包括（一）鼻音律，（二）入声律，（三）舌尖响亮音声母律，（四）鼻音成音节律，（五）变调律，（六）塞音尾的连音变化律。这种台湾秘密语的规律可说相当复杂，由作者首次加以披露。台湾秘密语采取几种不同的形式，也就是有几种不同的方言。本文描述了三种方言，并以较长的篇幅介绍最常用的一种；其余两种则只简略举例说明－其中一种把每一音节分成三个音节。把台湾秘密语的规律形式化，需要有以下三种主要步骤：（一）重叠，（二）第一音节调整，（三）第二音节调整。第一，二音节调整又各有两条规律，每一条又可能细分为几条小规律，而且有的规律的应用是有条件的。研究台湾秘密语至少有以下几个意义：第一，这种秘密语乃利用改变语音的办法，将每一音节分成两个音节，有如传统声韵学的反切法。我们可以藉此观察一般人对于音节的划分法。介音归声母或韵母，韵母是否有进一步的划分？第二，鼻音性 (nasality) 这一征性在闽南方言是很重要的特征，诸如口部元音与鼻化元音成对比，浊塞音与鼻辅音可以合并，鼻音性属于整个音节，而不单属于声母或韵母。秘密语对于以上各点都有一些启示。第三，闽南语的音节若为塞音尾 -p, -t, -k 或鼻音尾 -m, -n, -, 那么秘密语的第二音节都以舌尖 -t 或 -n 结尾，而不以唇音或舌根音结尾。这一现象显示舌尖音比唇音或舌根音更具普遍性，故在音韵的共通性有它的意义…
Matthew Y. Chen 陈渊泉; John Newman
“In this sequel to From Middle Chinese to Modern Peking (Chen 1976a), we set out to investigate the phonological history of another major dialect of China. Owing to the length of the manuscript, this report will appear in three contiguous issues containing, respectively, the following main sections: I-IV, V-VIII and IX-X. The footnotes go together with the corresponding sections, while the references and appendices summing up the sound correspondences are relegated to the very end of the monograph-length article. The overall organization of the present work is then as follows: Part 1. I. Introduction II. Phonotactic conditions III. Tonal developments IV. Initial Changes Footnotes to sections I-IV Part 2. V. Cantonese Vowel Shift VI. The realignment of inner and outer rimes VII. The genesis of *TRI-SEG VIII. Late allophonic rules Footnotes to sections V-VIII Part 3. IX. Summary of rules and conditions X. Relative chronology Footnotes to sections IX-X References Appendix A. Tone correspondences Appendix B. Initial correspondences Appendix C. Final correspondences.”
“做为从中古汉语到现代北京话（陈1976a）的续篇。本文探讨另一个中国主要方言的音韵史。这个长篇报告将分成三部分（即I-IV,V-VIII和IX-X）在此连载。注解与各节并行，而参考书目及总结声韵对应的附录则罗列于本文末尾。本文的架构如下： 第一部分： I.导论。 II.音节结构的限制 III.声调的发展 IV.声母的演变 第二部分： V.粤语的元音推移 VI.内转，外转的调整。 VII.*TRI-SEG的产生。 VIII.后期同位音的规律。 第三部分： IX.规则和限制的总结。 X.相对的时间层次。 书目： 附录A.声调的对应 附录B.声母的对应 附录C.韵母的对应”
New Publication 新书
书评：《广州方言词典》 饶秉才, 欧阳觉亚, 周无忌合编, 香港商务印书, 1981, 49 + 380 页. HK$40.00
Robert S. Bauer 包睿舜
Volume 13, No 2
In the past 20 to 30 years the speech sounds of the suburban areas of Shanghai have changed a great deal. I chose the typical county of Fengxian (奉贤) as the object of my investigation. The old Fengxian vernacular was like that of Songjiang (松江), the historical seat of government; while the new Fengxian vernacular is similar to that of urban Shanghai, the new economic and cultural center. Nearly 20 phonemes are involved in the sound changes, including initials, rimes and tones. Subjects in the 10-25 years age group tend to use the changed sounds to a much higher degree than subjects in the 60-80 or 30-50 age groups. Pre-school children who live with their parents tend to use the more conservative forms. People with more social intercourse show more rapid change than those with more traditional ways of life. None of the sound changes are phonetically gradual; subjects pronounce either the unchanged or the changed form, or have both in free or conditioned variation. Some changes (i.e. h > f) could not possibly be gradual. The sound changes have occurred in some words but not in others in most of the towns and villages. However, the sound changes tend to spread more rapidly in the towns than in the villages. Taking both synchronic and diachronic changes into account, it is found to be simple and accurate to identify subdialect areas on the basis of common features of lexical diffusion of sound change. The Fengxian vernacular subdivides into easily discernible Eastern and Western accents on the basis of patterns of tone sandhi. In the buffer zone between these two regions the following forms of sound mixing can be identified: 1) In some places all character groups are read either in the Western or the Eastern accent. 2) In other places some character groups are read in the Western accent, others in the Eastern accent and still others in either. In conclusion, it is found that the sound changes of the Shanghai region across age-groups and over geographical regions are phonetically abrupt but lexically gradual.
This paper is a localistic lexicase analysis of the case-marking system of Mandarin Chinese. Mandarin case-marking devices include word order, localistic verb subcategories, derived and underived prepositions, and free and bound relator nouns. Mandarin relator nouns, relator noun pseudocompounds, and prepositions are subcategorized by a set of localistic features, and the possible syntactic combinations of preposition plus ‘location word’ are treated as an integrated system of virtual matrices of localistic features which characterize the grammatical properties of Mandarin oblique actants. Finally, two of the bound relator nouns, -.shàng and -.lǐ, are found to qualify as case inflection suffixes.
Dominic W. Massaro; Michael M. Cohen; Chiu-yu Tseng 郑秋豫
This study investigated the evaluation and integration of pitch height and pitch contour in the perception of tones in Mandarin Chinese. A fuzzy logical model of perception was used as a framework for the study. An important theoretical assumption was that speech sounds are perceived in terms of continuous acoustic properties. The experiment provided an assessment of the relative importance of the F0 height and the F0 contour during the vowel of a syllable to tone perception. Both the F0 contour and the F0 height influenced the perceptual recognition of tone. The cues were about equally effective. As in the perception of many other contrasts, lexical tone appears to be recognized on the basis of, at least, two cues, and the influence of one cue is the largest when the other cue is relatively ambiguous.
Based on the evidence we present, we propose a model for the directionality of the merging of the syllable nasal endings, in which we claim that (1) -m > -n and – > -n are two major tendencies of merging; (2) -n > – being another major tendency indicates that nasal vowels in modern Chinese dialects have not necessarily developed from only -V finals. It follows that the process of nasal ending attrition does not operate on the velar nasal endings alone; and (3) -n > – is, in fact, a minor tendency. We also show that the merging of syllable nasal endings in Chinese can be either conditioned (-n > -; – > -n) or unconditioned (-n > -; -m > -n). Thus, we refute the theory of unidirectionality of the merging of the syllable nasal endings in Chinese as proposed by Chen (1972,1973).
根据我们所提供的情况，我们提出了鼻音韵尾归并方向的模式。我们认为 (1) -m > -n 和 – > -n 是归并的两个趋势。(2) -n >是另一个主要的趋势，这说明现代汉语方言中鼻化元音不一定是从 -v 发展来的。这又说明鼻韵尾的消失不仅仅发生在舌根鼻韵尾。(3) -n > – 实际上是一个次要趋势。我们同时也说明汉语音节中的鼻韵尾的归并既可以是有条件的 (-n > -: – > -n) 也可以是无条件的 (-n > -; -m > -n) 。这样，我们驳倒了Chen (1972, 1973) 提出的汉语鼻韵尾单方向归并的理论。
Two early sources for the Shàowǔ 邵武 dialect are examined in light of the author’s field notes. A surprisingly accurate description of Shàowǔ tones is already found in an 1878 article. The 1901 Shàowǔfǔzhì 邵武府志 contains a number of Shaowu forms along with forms from other closely related dialects. Material from both these early sources is found to be readily interpretable in terms of modern dialect forms.
作者找到了两项有关早期邵武方言的资料。一篇是1878 年Walker氏写的 Shao-wu in Fu-kien; a country Station. 另一处在1901年的“邵武府志”中。本文是报告以作者记录的现在邵武方言和上述两项资料对比研究的结果：一．Walker 氏的文章中，对邵武方言声调方面的分析相当精确。对比以后可看出百年来邵武声调的变化。二．邵武府志中用汉字记载了当时邵武方言的一些特殊词汇。对比后，用现在的资料可说明解释那些词汇的意义。