Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol. 22 (1994) 中国语言学报 22 卷 (1994)
Volume 22, No 1
Chung-yu Chen 陈重瑜
Between Middle Chinese and the 1963-85 system of Peking Mandarin, about 454 characters have been flowing into or towards the Yin-Ping category and 77 out of the category, forming a ratio of 85.5% to 14.5%. A decided majority of the out-flowing characters can readily be attributed to an analogy of certain high-frequency characters that bear obvious graphic similarities. On the other hand, there seems to be a tendency for high-frequency colloquial forms to change to Yin-Ping. Five types of evidence are submitted to substantiate this claim. They are found in 1) reduplicates, 2) onomatopoetic forms, 3) monosyllabic verbs, 4) colloquial (as opposed to literary) vocabulary of a character, 5) colloquial (as opposed to literary) reading(s) of a character. A total of 156 examples are cited here.
从中古音到1963-85 之间，大约有454 个字流入或流向阴平调，而流出的字数大约是77个字；二者成 85.5% 与14.5%之比。流出的字例绝大多数显示出受到常用近形字读音的影响。而流入阴平的字例却甚少有明显的近形字读音的影响。作者认为高频率的口语词（字）有变向阴平的倾向。本文举出五种类型的字例以证明这一点：1）重叠词，2）象声词，3）单音节动词，4）一个字在口语词条与文言词条里的不同读音，5）一个字的语音与读音的差异。本文一共列举156个字例。
This paper presents evidence for the standard view in phrase structure theory that lexical projections like VP have two levels (V’ and V”), and against the proposal (e.g. in Fukui and Speas 1986) that there is only one level (V’). Evidence is presented from both Taiwan Mandarin and Beijing-area Mandarin. The crucial data from the former show a pattern in which time expressions such as mingtian ‘tomorrow’ must precede manner expressions and most PP’s, with other adverbials distributed freely among them. It is argued that the best way to capture these facts involves referring to V” as the level where time adverbials are licensed, and V’ as the only level where manner adverbials and these “internal” PP’s may be licensed. In Beijing-area Mandarin, the pattern is the same except that while some “internal” PP’s are restricted to V’, those headed by cong, dao, dui, and gen occur freely. It is shown that the distinction between the two groups of PP’s cannot be captured by differentiating theta-role assignment, subcategorization, or other mechanisms; therefore, it again becomes necessary to refer to the two levels V” and V’, so as to correctly account for the distribution of the two groups of PP’s.
本文提出证据，以支持标准的短语结构理论，即词汇的投射（projection, 如VP）有两个层次 （V’ 和V”）。这和只存在一个层次（V’）的说法（如 Fukui 和 Speas 1986）是不相容的。这些例证取自台湾汉语和北京地区的汉语。前者提供的确实材料显示出如下规律：‘明天’这样的时间短语必须位于方式（manner）短语和大多数介词短语之前，而其它状语则自由出现。作者认为解释这些现象的最佳途径是把时间短语看作是由V”层所统领（license），而方式短语和“居中”（internal）的介词短语则由V’层所统领。北京地区的汉语显示出相同的模式。相异之处在于有些“居中”的介词短语限于V’，而“从”、“到”、“对”、“跟”短语则可以自由出现。用θ角色的分配，次分类（subcategorization）或其它语法机制都无法解释这两种介词短语的区别。只有通过两个不同层次 V” 和 V’, 方能正确解释这两种介词短语的分配。
In previous publications it has been shown that the medial yod, [see PDF file] (= IPA j) that is a key feature of Karlgren’s reconstruction of Middle Chinese and is projected back into Old Chinese is the result of a mistaken interpretation of the meaning of the Four Grades of the Late Middle Chinese (LMC) rhyme tables. It does, however, represent a basic distinction in syllable types, called here Type A (= absence of yod) and Type B (= presence of yod). In Early Middle Chinese (EMC) the distinction was between finals with a mid or low vowel nucleus (Type A) and finals with one of the high vowels. i, [see PDF file], u, either alone or as the first element in a diphthong of the type ia, [see PDF file]a, ua. It is hypothesized that this contrast arose out of a prosodic distinction in Old Chinese which was responsible for the insertion of a high central vowel, [see PDF file], as the first element in the nucleus of Type B syllables, either replacing /[see PDF file]/ or forming a diphthong with a following /a/. It is shown that Vietnamese and Mu’ò’ng must have undergone a similar diphthongization process, probably as an areal borrowing from Chinese. It is also shown that the Sino-Tibetan Sizang Chin language of Burma shows a typological parallel for the kind of prosodic distinction that is assumed for Old Chinese.
本文在前此发表的论文中曾经说明，高本汉先生之所以用介音 [参考 PDF 全文] (=IPA j) 作为关键特征来拟定中古汉语， 并推拟上古汉语， 是由于他对晚期中古汉语等韵表中四等的错误解释。但同时，[参考 PDF 全文] 这一介音确实代表了音节种类中一个基本区别，本文称为甲类（不含 [参考 PDF 全文]）， 乙类（含 [参考 PDF 全文]）。 在早期中古汉语中， 这一区别出现在含有中元音或低元音成分的（甲类），跟含有一高元音（i,[参考 PDF 全文] , u） 的（乙类）韵母之间； 这一高元音或单独出现或 作为二元音（ia, [参考 PDF 全文]a, ua）的头一个字母。 本文设定这一 区别产生于上古汉语中的一个韵律区别。由于这个韵律区别，乙类音节前加上了高中心元音（[参考 PDF 全文]），取代了/[参考 PDF 全文]/ 或者和/a/ 成一个 二元音。本文说明越南语和芒语应该也有过类似的二元音化过程。本文还说明，在属汉藏语系的缅甸Sizang钦语中，有着跟上古汉语韵律区别类似的典型情况。
Kuang Yu Chen 陈光宇
The use of 隹 (zhui) + noun (e.g. 隹王 + date of the year, month) in Oracle Bone Language during Shang Dynasty (ca 1,700-1,100 BC) has persisted down to the classical period of Chou Dynasty (ca 1.100-220 BC). The meaning of 隹 in such context is thought to be equivalent to 维 or 惟 used in classical Chinese of later period. Thus, although 隹 by itself is defined as birds with short tail, when it is combined with a noun in Shang-Chou texts, it may serve as (i) a functional particle to initiate a phrase, (ii) an interrogative particle to initiate a question, or (iii) a verbal (copulative) term meaning to be. For example, 隹王 + 祀 is generally thought to mean: “It is the tenth year of the King”. It is proposed in this paper that the word 隹 in 隹王 (zhui wang) retains its original meaning, namely, bird, and that the term 隹王 (zhui wang) symbolizes the close association of Shang Kings with their mythical (or totemical) ancestors, the swallow bird (玄鸟). Thus, 隹王 (zhui wang) literally means: “This King of the Bird Descendant”. Archeological evidence, including oracle bone inscriptions and bronze inscriptions and classical textual materials, are presented in the paper to support this hypothesis.
自公元1899年，清末学者王懿荣，刘鹗等发现甲骨文并将之溯源至河南安阳小屯之后，史记．殷本纪中所载人物事迹才算得到地下考古资料实物的证实。十数万片龟甲兽甲兽骨上所刻甲骨文字，以卜辞居最多，其中多有关祭祀（如用牲，择日，排比等）及征伐。与古人所说的［ 国之大事，唯祀与戎］ 似乎颇能相验证。甲骨文中有［隹王］一词，其中隹字，学者多认为是虚字或介词，相当于现代的惟字。本文试以商代始祖与鸟（玄鸟，凤凰）的关系以及金文，甲骨文中的一些资料作基础，提出关于［隹王］一词的另外一种看法。
This article is a sequel to “The Long-Distance Binding of Ziji”, published in Journal of Chinese Linguistics, vol 21 pp 123-141. It argues that semantic and discourse factors as well as syntactic factors are involved in the choice of an antecedent for ziji. It provides a wide range of data to show that the syntactic requirement of being the antecedent can be reduced to the minimum. Contrary to the claim made by some grammarians, it need not be a grammatical subject. It need not c-command the reflective and, therefore, need not bind it in the technical sense of Government-Binding Theory. It even need not have a syntactic position in the sentence in which the reflexive appears. Any noun phrase, overt, covert, or implicit, is qualified as a candidate if it is an argument standing high in the thematic hierarchy, e.g., Agent, Experiencer, etc.
本文是《中国语言学报》第 21 卷 123-141 页刊出的 “ ‘自己’的长距离约束”一文的延续。文章指出在选择“自己”的先行语时，不仅句法因素起作用，语义因素和话语因素也起作用。文章提供大量材料表明先行语在句法方面的要求微乎其微。有些语法学家认为先行语必须是语法上的主语，其实不然。先行语不一定要统制反身代词，所以也不必像管辖与约束理论所要求的那样约束反身代词。先行语甚至不必在反身代词所处的句子中占据一个句法位置。任何一个名词词组，不论是有形的，无形的，或是蕴涵的，只要在题元等级中级别比较高，例如是施事，经事等，均有资格充当先行语。
Volume 22, No 2
This paper analyzes the historical development of the Chinese coordinative conjunctions and reveals the importance in Chinese of degrees of grammaticalization. Grammaticalization is defined as follows: “process which consists in the increase of the range of a morpheme advancing from a lexical to a grammatical or from a less grammatical to a more grammatical status” (Kurylowicz 1965). It is shown that the coordinative conjunctions which connect two or more NP don’t come directly from verbs, as it is widely agreed (by Wang Li 1958, Pan Yunzhong 1982, or even Liu Jian 1989), but from prepositions which themselves come from verbs. In other words, there have been two processes of grammaticalization, one transforming a verb into a preposition, and the other one transforming the preposition into a conjunction, in that order. Thus, conjunctions are more grammaticalized than prepositions. This is true for all the stages of Chinese: Archaic Chinese, Medieval Chinese. Modern Chinese, Contemporary Chinese.
Classifiers in Chinese pose an interesting testing ground for theories of categorization and cognition. This study takes a psycholinguistic approach to previous theoretical investigations concerning categorization of Chinese classifiers (Tai 1990a, 1990b, 1992), and expands on the neurolinguistic results discussed in Tzeng, Chen and Hung’s (1991) study of classifier production in Chinese normals and aphasics. Based on three generalizations found in elicitation experiments on normals, I hypothesize that the neutral classifier is less likely to occur when the relationship between a noun and a certain classifier is unique and elaborative. In addition, I re-evaluate Tzeng et al.’s (l991) data and show that Wernicke’s aphasics are not crossing semantic classes when they neutralize to the classifier zhi; instead they are practicing a form of code-switching. The results of my study demonstrate that both normal and aphasic subjects adhere to similar constraints on classifier production.
研究中文量词对了解认知能力以及范畴理论有许多帮助。这篇文章从心理语言学的角度，扩大前人对范畴理论研究（Dai 1990, 1990b, 1992）以及更深入探讨失语症病人使用量词 （Tzeng 1991）的现象。根据正常人elicitation实验的三个归纳结果，我断定当量词跟名词有一种独特或 elaborative 的关系时, 那么量词的中化 （neutralization）就比较不容易出现 。而且我再检查Tzeng（1991）的资料证明 Wernicke 病人并没有混淆语意的类别。我的研究结果表示正常人和失语症病人的量词使用都受同样的限制。
John Xiang-ling Dai 戴相陵
This paper demonstrates that deservative -tou is an inflectional morpheme in Chinese, suffixed to the deverbal head noun in the complement of the deservative construction. More significantly, the nominal -tou form is morphosyntactically governed by the main verb (mei)you, on a par with the standard morphological case markings governed by individual verbs in European languages. The result of this study sheds light on such issues as derivational-inflectional distinction, productivity and nominalization in Chinese and Universal Grammar.
本文论证汉语中表示“值得”意思的“头”是一种屈折构词词素（inflectional morpheme）。 该词素是“头” 字结构 中补 语动名词 （deverbal head noun）的后缀。 更重要的是， 该名词性后缀在型态上受“头”字结构中谓语动词“没有”的支配。这与欧洲语言中动词支配其补语构词格（case）的现象相同。本文结论有助于探讨汉语及普遍语法中的三个问题：及派生构词（derivational morphology）和屈折构词 （inflectional morphology）的区别， 词缀的孳生性 （productivity）， 以及动词的名词化（nominalization）。
This study is an acoustic examination of the tonal system of the famous Wújiāng dialect. In comparison with other Wu dialects, a striking tonal characteristic of the Wújiāng dialect is that syllables with voiceless aspirated obstruents can have distinctively lower tones than syllables with voiceless unaspirated obstruents, and form the so-called “aspirated tones”. Thus, three MC tone II words, [ti] “bottom”, [t’i] “body” and [di] “younger brother” have three distinctive tonal contours in Wújiāng. To better understand this unusual phenomenon, the tonal system of the most studied sub-dialect of Wújiāng, Lílǐ, is acoustically analyzed. According to the measurements of fundamental frequency, I show that the unusually high number of tonal categories of the Wújiāng dialect were the result of false analyses. The so-called aspirated tones actually are the same as the tones of words with voiced consonants. Therefore, the reason that Wújiāng dialect is tonally bizarre is the very unusual tonal alignment of the syllables with aspirated initials rather than an extra aseries of the aspirated tones. A review of the previous studies on the related phenomena shows that the so-called aspirated tones might not exist in any tonal categories of any Wu dialects reported.
Edward McDonald 马爱德
This article treats the common Chinese verb class of completive compounds (usually called ‘resultative’). It shows how traditional ‘directional’ and ‘resultative’ compounds should be seen as part of a broader class expressing the general meaning of completive phase. It defines both these subclasses, but concentrates on the resultative subclass as being the least well understood, and develops a classification for it based on collocational groupings of the two parts of the compound: verb and postverb. It also raises questions about the representation of transitivity in Chinese and the intersection of this phase system with it.
In contemporary Mandarin Chinese, the morpheme gei which is a full verb meaning “give” may be used either as an agent marker or as an object marker. This phenomenon is rare in relation to other languages. However, we will see that the verbs meaning “give” turn often into an agent marker in other Chinese dialects and even in other languages. Special semantic reasons will be given to explain why gei is also an object marker in spoken Chinese in Beijing. The constraints on gei’s use show us that gei is rather a mock marker vs. the real markers ba (the object marker) and bei (the agent marker) in Mandarin Chinese. Our study shows that in the gei+V+le construction, gei is a marker of neutral voice sentences; the occurrence of gei is only permitted when the verb is non-oriented. This is due to the neutralization of the agent/patient distinction in Mandarin Chinese.