Volume 26, No 1
This paper is a study of the origin of the two Chinese characters for river: jiang 江 and he 河. The geographical distribution of the names of rivers in China reflects certain patterns. River is called he in the northern areas, and jiang in the southern parts of China. How do we explain this phenomenon? Both Norman-Mei (1976) and Hashimoto (1978) claim that both jiang and he are loanwords, which are borrowed from Austroasiatic Languages and Mongolian, respectively. Based on linguistic data, ethnological evidence, geographical distribution, and historical documents, I will argue against these leading hypotheses as well as some other speculations on the origins of these words, including those which attempt to show that they originated from Thai or Tibetan. In addition, I will prove that both jiang and he are in fact Chinese indigenous words. In my analysis, I will also propose and elaborate on the opposite view that the respective forms of jiang and he in the other languages are most likely loanwords from Chinese. One of the other topics of this paper is to discuss the principles used to distinguish Chinese etyma from loanwords. This topic has remained a puzzling question in linguistics. I will attempt to answer the question by proposing the following principle for the differentiation: the naming processes of the etyma in a language share certain common ground and take place under an integral cognate system; the word loaning processes do not possess these properties. I will demonstrate in this paper that the evolution of jiang and he in Chinese conforms to this principle and thus testifies to its validity.
中外学者早就注意到，中国河流名称的分布具有区域特征﹕北方以称 “河” 为主，南方以称 “江”为主，黄河，长江之间地区则有称 “水” 的。 “北河南江” 的现象是如何形成的，”江、河” 词源如何，这一切成了汉藏语言学界十分关注的问题。罗杰瑞、梅祖麟、桥本万太郎等学者为此而提出了一些重要的假说。他们认为”江、河” 均非汉语本身固有的基本词，而是分别借自南亚语和蒙古语。桥本万太郎还进一步假设，汉语是南岛语言和阿尔泰语言南北夹击的产物，而 “江、河” 名称的来源正是在基本词汇方面反映了这一南北推移过程。上述说法在汉藏语言学界似乎已成定谳，然而，我所作的研究表明，这些假设中有关 “江、河” 词源的部份有违语言历史事实。本文根据语言学、民族学、历史文献以及地理学等方面的材料，证明 “江” 和 “河” 都是汉语本身固有的基本词，至于别的语言中的相似形式，则可能是受汉语的影响而产生的。 另外，本文在对 “江” 和 “河” 作例证性研究的同时，还试图提出区别外来借词和固有基本词的一些原则。我认 为，若某词的得名过程与某语言中的固有基本词的得名过程相类似，同时，它在这个语言中还具有一个完整的同源词系统，那么，它就应是该语言的固有基本词。至于外来借词，则不具备这些特点。考察一下汉语 “江” 和 “河” 的得名过程，其结果正跟这一标准相合。
The syntactic status of locative particles such as shang ‘on’, li ‘in’ has long been a problem in Chinese syntax. This paper reviews the properties of these particles and considers three approaches that have been proposed in the literature. We will show that all three approaches run into difficulty. We will then suggest that locative particles are best treated as clitics. They take the preceding NP as the scope and cliticize to the left. This analysis explains why locative particles cannot stand alone, why they do not behave exactly like nouns or postpositions, and it also gives the correct semantic interpretation for locative phrases containing complex NPs. Our analysis suggests that locative particles actually do not have a syntactic status; they are not assigned any syntactic category. Rather, they can be analyzed in a morphological theory which treats clitics as phrasal affixes.
Yongxian Luo 罗永现
In Li (1977), initial clusters involving liquids /-l-/ or /-r-/ have been reconstructed exclusively for labials (*pl/r- *phl/r- *bl/r- *vl/r- *ml-), dentals (*tl/r- *th/r- *dl/r- *dl/r- *nl/r-) and velars (*kl/r- *khl/r- *gl/r- *xl/r- * *) for Proto-Tai. This paper will present new evidence that along with Li’s proposals, a series of sibilant clusters also existed in Proto-Tai. The evidence includes, among other things, the correspondence between the laryngeal fricative /h/ in the Southwestern group and the laminal or alveolar fricative /s/ in the Northern group, and between the liquid /l/ and the fricative /s/ between these two groups. Supporting evidence can be found in related Kam-Sui languages and the Hlai language of Hainan Island. In addition, abundant lexical materials from Chinese and Tai show a somewhat systematic sound correspondence between these two groups in the phonetic series of sibilants and liquids. This phenomenon has offered insight into a wider issue, which needs to be addressed if we wish to see Sino-Tai relationships in a clearer perspective.
The cases of tonal split based on the aspiration or the lack of it in the initials are widely found in Miao-Yao, Kam, and Chinese dialects such as Wu and Gan. An over-whelming majority of the tones of the syllables with aspirated initials show a lower pitch than those of the syllables with corresponding unaspirated initials. The tonal split in Wu is not fully completed. The same case can be found in Kam as well. However, the processes of these cases are different. In Wu dialect, the tonal split began from non-level tones, i.e. rising, departing, and entering tones, and spread to level tone, whereas it began from the first tone (corresponding to level tone of Chinese) and spread to other tones (corresponding to non-level tones of Chinese) in Kam. The pitch of a syllable comes from the vibration frequency of the vocal folds. The internal factor of the vibration frequency of vocal folds is the tension degree of the larynx muscle influenced directly from the position of the larynx. The external factor of the vibration frequency of vocal folds is the air-stream from the lung. The lowering of the larynx and the intermittent air-stream tend to lower the pitch of the syllables with aspirated initials. Finally, discussion is provided in three aspects to explore the reason for the higher pitch with aspirated initials in other places.
Volume 26, No 2
This paper examines a number of theoretical issues against a set of intricate tone sandhi facts of New Chongming. I argue three main points: 1. Far from being arbitrary rewrite rules, tone sandhi processes function as competing repair strategies, a synchronic analog of competing sound changes. 2. There is a need to recognize embody gradient, probabilistic tendencies rather than categorical or yes/no rules. 3. Given a set of independently established rules, and given alternative derivations consistent with them, the simplest derivation leading to a wellformed tonotactic target is consistently preferred–in accordance with the Harmonic Principle, according to which rules apply minimally to maximally satisfy wellformedness conditions.
The particle hai in Mandarin, similar to the counterpart noch in German and still in English, has various senses. The previous studies on these particles focused on the synchronic uses and proposed a core-meaning for all the uses. Taking a different approach from those studies, this paper examines the development of the various senses of hai throughout the history. The investigation of the diachronic uses of this lexeme manifests the general principles of semantic changes suggested by Sweetser (1988) and Traugott (1982; 1989), yet it also shows that the two major functions of hai, a connective marker meaning “also” and a temporal operator meaning “still,” developed distinctive properties after their derivational paths departed around the 7-8th century. Unlike the previous works which pursue a core-meaning of these particles, I offer different analyses for the two functions. Hai as a connective marker, a pragmatic function, provides additional confirmation of a conclusion derived from the preceding text. The function of hai which indicates the temporal continuance is analyzed as a scalar operator. The scalar analysis can be extended to account for the rest of the uses of hai.
本文主旨说明「还」在现代汉语中的语意功能.现代汉语中的「还」字用法繁多,类似于英文 still 和德文的 noch 。前人对于「还」、still、noch 的研究着重现今的用法来探讨其基本语意，认为此一基本语意可以解释所有的功能。本文则指出仅研讨现今的用法并无法透彻地了解「还」字的语意。作者强调应由历史演变资料来分析「还」字。根据演变语料，「还」字的基本语意功能可分为两种。文中第一部分探讨「还」字用法的历史演变。「还」字的本意是为一动词，表归返，然后延伸为「复」、「再」之意。于第七、八世纪，再由「复」、「再」之意发展出两种用法。一为表事件的持续，二为连接两个句子。如此的意义延伸，正符合 Sweetser (1988) 和 Traugott (1982; 1989) 所提出的语意演变原则。本文第二部分，作者分析此二种功能的不同。表持续之意，「还」可解释为呈现时间线上两个时间点之间的过程。第八世纪后，此一功能进而延伸至与形容词，比较句型连用。「还」字的第二种功能是用来连接句子，由「还」字引导出的句子，可以更进一步确定及加强两个句子连接所要表达的讯息。
It is shown that five Hakka dialects for which adequate data exist do not conform to Prof. Norman’s criterion, which relates to the split treatment of cizhuo shangsheng words; while the Yue dialect of Taishan on the contrary approximates what Prof. Norman regards as the true Hakka treatment of these words. It is further shown that several southern Gan dialects also show a split treatment of the cizhuo shangsheng category: however, due to northern influence, the evidence for the split is more tenuous. It is concluded that no criterion thus far has been presented which characterizes Hakka “uniquely and unambiguously”, according to M. J. Hashimoto’s expression. Finally, the author argues that dialect classification has at most a minor role to play in the furthering of knowledge on Chinese dialects, and that geographical approaches to Chinese dialectology hold much promise.
Pulleyblank 1987 has provided us the means of understanding clause structure in Classical Chinese. Herein his work will be the basis of a discussion of the constituent structure of some complement clauses in Late Zhou Chinese. A Government and Binding approach provides the means of representing clauses primarily from Lunyu, Mencius, and Zhuangzi. The matrix verbs are classified (subcategoriezed) by co-occurring complement clauses.
浦立本 (Pulleyblank) 1987调查古中文的般上的定员的浦语分句 (complement clauses)。根据他的结果本文讨论下周文之论语孟子庄子之浦语分句。作者提出衍生语法 (generative grammar) 的般上的定员浦语分句。本文讨论的浦语分句包括那样上根“而”“之”一起出现的。那些动词包括“闻”“欲”“识”“使”“助”“令”“率”“驱”“知”“见”“说”。
书评：《现代汉语词汇的形成: 19世纪汉语外来词研究》[中翻英译书]. Masini 著, 黄河清译.
Viviane Alleton 艾乐桐