Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.28 – 2000

Volume 28, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Researchers on grammatical change are more than often extremely suspicious of the phenomenon of borrowing, which they consider as an undesirably weak explanation. The main reasons against borrowing are that it is unfalsifiable and that the direction and extent of borrowing, if any, as well as the kinds of features affected, are determined more by social factors than by linguistic ones. However, since Wang Li’s remark in the 1940s that “the europeanization of (Chinese) grammar has been an event of great consequence in the history of our language”, many have tried to contribute arguments in favor of the thesis of a westernization of Chinese grammar. I will argue that these arguments, which often are repetitive, are far from being as convincing as one would like to suppose. The first part of this paper will show that the great majority of the examples put forward as evidence for a europeanization of Chinese grammar were actually in place before any contact between China and the West. In other words, regarding the problem of actuation (origin of the forms), it is suggested that any influence of Western languages on Chinese grammar has been quite limited. In the second part of this paper, however, it will be acknowledged that such an influence could have been important, at least in some registers of language (special kinds of shumianyu), for the implementation (spreading) of the so-called Western structures. The last part of the paper will discuss some universals regarding grammatical changes to borrowing in order to explain why Westernization of Chinese has necessarily been limited.



Abstract 摘要
After introductory remarks, morphological patterns that have been identified in Old Chinese are summarized under the major headings: Affixation Prosodic Alternation, Syllabic Reduplication and Compounding. Types of affixation discussed include: Departing Tone (suffix*-s); voicing of initial obstruents (*a as a prefix); ablaut (*a as an infix); Rising Tone (*-a as suffix); prefix *s; initial aspiration (from onset reduplication); prefix (or infix?) *r, presyllable *k- (also *t-, *p-, *m-?); suffixes *-n and *-t; suffix *-k in distributives and demonstrative pronouns that emphasize the subject; miscellaneous. To conclude, some remarks are made about the decay of Old Chinese affixational processes and the development into an isolating language.


在给出简介性的评论之后,古汉语中已获确认的形态成分被概括为以下主要类型:词缀附加,韵律交替,音节重叠以及复音合构词。就词缀附加的类型所讨论的主要问题包括:去声 (后缀*-s)、阻塞音声母的浊化(*a作为前缀)、元音交替(*a作为中缀)、上声(*a 作为后缀)、前缀*s- 、声母的送气(源自首音重叠)、前缀 (或者中缀?)*r 、音节*k- (另有*t- 、 *p-、*m-?)、后缀*-n 以及*-t、表示逐指或出现于用以强调主语的指示代词之中的后缀*-k、杂类。本文作为结论性的若干意见涉及到古汉语中词缀附加过程的入监萎缩以及向孤立语的发展。

Abstract 摘要
The Nanking dialect has two apical vowels [ɿ] and [ʅ]. The present paper traces the history of these vowels from Míng and Qīng times to the present. It is concluded that the vowel [ɿ ] has existed in Nankingese since at least Míng times, while [ʅ] develop from earlier [i] in the nineteenth century.


现代南京方言有两个舌尖元音,[ɿ]和[ʅ]。本文探讨此二元音从明代初年到本世纪的历史演变。 结论是:舌尖前元音[ɿ ]是南京话固有而传下来的。舌尖后元音[ʅ]是十九世纪才由原来的[ i ]变出来的。此演变可能是因南京话受北方官话影响致成。

Abstract 摘要
This paper provides evidence for Sino-Tai genetic relationship by examining body part terms in Chinese and Tai. Nearly seventy such correspondence sets are established. These findings are at variance with some previous ideas that the two languages lack cognates in basic vocabulary. The implications of these comparisons are explored in the light of wider genetic links. The traditional view of Sino-Tibetan is upheld.



Abstract 摘要
From a synchronic point of view, the ‘Mandarin’ dialects of Chinese have a certain commonality: they lack the quanzhuo 全浊 ‘fully muddy’ (voiced obstruent) initials; they generally have few tonal distinctions; they either lack the rusheng 入声 (entering tone), or have only a glottal stop coda in rusheng, not distinguishing final -p, -t, -k; etc. But was there ever a ‘Proto-Mandarin’? It is generally recognized that all the Chinese dialects are part of a single language family: that is, that they have the same origin, and are all descended from a common parent language. But whether the Mandarin dialects themselves are descended from their own parent language, distinct from the other dialects, is not clear. To put it another way, if, using the techniques of comparative linguistics, we reconstruct a ‘Proto-Mandarin’, based on the modern Mandarin dialects, we do not know what time period this ‘Proto-Mandarin’ would represent, or whether its descendants might include some non-Mandarin as well as Mandarin dialects. The present paper uses several modern Mandarin dialects to reconstruct some of the phonological characteristics of ‘Proto-Mandarin’, and shows that some of these characteristics were rather un-Mandarin-like: 1. The ping 平 (level), qu 去 (departing), and ru 入 (entering) tones were all divided into upper and lower registers, so that there were at least seven tones: or alternatively, one could count them as four tones, and assume that the voiced obstruent initials were preserved (as in the modern Hangzhou 杭州 dialect). 2. Although final -p was probably not distinguished from final -t, final -t (including original final -p) was rather clearly distinguished from final -k (as in the modern Nanchang 南昌 dialect). 3. It is possible that the palatal finals of the Zhi 止 and Xie 蟹 rhyme classes were distinguished in more phonological environments than in modern Mandarin dialects, so that 基 jī ‘foundation’ (from the Zhi class) and 鸡 jī ‘chicken’ (from the Xie class) were distinct (as in the Guangzhou 广州 dialect). Thus it is possible that the descendants of ‘Proto-Mandarin’ are not limited to the dialects now considered ‘Mandarin’. The modern Mandarin dialects may all belong to a more broadly defined ‘Northern dialect group’, but they themselves are not necessarily a separate genetic unit.


从共时语言学的观点来看,汉语的「官话方言」(或称「北方方言」)有一定的共同性:没有全浊声母,声调多半比较少,入声或者没有,或者只有喉塞音韵尾,不分 -p、-t、-k,等等。可是,在汉语的历史上,到底有没有「原始官话」?大家都承认,所有的汉语方言都属于一个语系,那就是说,它们都有同一的来源,都是一个共同的始源语的派生语。但官话方言是不是来自一种独自的,不同于其它方言的始源语,这个问题还没弄清楚。换句话说,假如用比较语言学的方法,根据现代官话方言来构拟「原始官话」,这种「原始官话」到底代表什么时代的语言,它的派生语,除了现在的官话方言以外,是不是也包括一些非官话方言,这个问题我们还不知道怎么回答。本文根据几个现代官话方言,构拟「原始官话」的一些语音特点,指出这么一种「原始官话」又有一些不太像现代官话的语音特点:(一)平声、去声、入声都分阴阳,至少有七个声调(或者可以算四个声调而仍保存全浊声母,像现在的杭州话)。(二)虽然入声韵尾大概已经不分-p、-t了,可是 -t(包括原来的 -p)和-k多半分得相当清楚(像现在的南昌话)。(三)止摄和蟹摄的齐齿音韵母可能分得比现代官话多,可能「基」≠「鸡」(像现在的广州话)。这漾,「原始官话」的派生语很可能不限于现在认为「官话」的方言。现在的「官话方言」可以说都属于一种广义的「北方方言系」,可是它们本身不一定应该看做一个独立的谱系单位。

Review 书评

Report 报告

Volume 28, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
My presentation is basically an elaboration on the paper written by Yuen Ren Chao about the various types of relationship between the word tone in Chinese language and the musical tone. Since Chao gave his paper only in written form, an oral demonstration of his examples can make his points much more lively. On some of his points, I also felt that they deserve a few more illustrations for more clarity and emphasis. There is also an important issue of the manipulation of the so-called tune-types, which concerns a basic melodic pattern that can be altered and elaborated as needed in actual performances. Chao discussed this briefly on poetry chanting. On this, I have discussed at some length, applying it also to Chinese traditional dramatic music, and provided additional examples to illustrate this phenomenon.



Abstract 摘要
Based on an investigation of Chinese object shift, this research claims that the strength of a feature can be triggered to be strong. This claim implies that languages differ in default strength of a formal feature, rather than in terms of absolute strong/weak parameters. Empirically, this paper provides a unified analysis of three types of object shift in Mandarin Chinese. They are all triggered in the same way and have the same locality constraints. The paper also describes the syntactic properties of various focus markers. Furthermore, it explores the specificity issue, claiming that the differences in specificity with respect to object raising between Chinese and German are the result of the different interaction patterns between two kinds of economy principles, governing the syntactically motivated movement, and the semantically motivated movement respectively.



Abstract 摘要
In this analysis, I use a typological perspective to compare certain grammatical features of modern Southern Min dialects such as Taiwanese and Amoy (Xiamen) with those found in the Southern Min translation of the Doctrina Christiana (ca. 1607 AD) and a Southern Min grammar written in Spanish: Arte de la lengua Chi Chiu (1620 AD). The specific grammatical constructions and categories which are investigated are dative, causative and passive constructions formed with kît 乞 (khit), ‘to give’; comitative, ablative and benefactive constructions formed with câng 共 (kā) ‘with’; and the development of the diminutive marker -kìa, -ìa and -nìa 仔 (-á) from the lexeme ‘son’. The objective is to ascertain if these syntactic and morphological constructions have undergone any major grammatical changes over the last 4 centuries in Southern Min. In fact, some functions of these markers prove to be similar to Taiwanese Southern Min, such as certain uses of comitative câng 共 (kā), while other markers appear to be distinct but are found elsewhere in Min dialects, such as the passive and causative marker kît 乞 (khit). The findings illustrate examples of grammatical renovation as the consequence of competing forms, phonological attrition and polysemous conceptual shift as the outcome of different paths of grammaticalization.


本文从类型学角度来分析闽方言的某些句法特征。主要的目的是把十七世纪初用闽南语写的两本文献与现代一些闽方言例如台湾闽南话及厦门话进行比较研究。这两本文献一本是从西班牙语译成闽南语的传道手册 Doctrina Christiana (1607);另一本 是西班牙语写的闽南话句法 Arte de la lengua Chio Chiu (1620). 本文主要研究下列的句法结构与范畴: 用 kît (乞 khit “给”) 组成的给与,使动及被动标志;用 câng (共kā “和”) 组成的伴随标志,来源标志及受惠标志以及小称后缀 -kìa ~ -ìa ~ -nìa 仔 (-á) 从词位“儿子”的演变。其次,本文拟研究四百年以来上述结构在句法上的变化。以上三类结构有些还残存于现代的台湾闽南话中,如kā,-á 的某些功能,有的则存在于其它的闽方言中,如 kît (乞 khit)。虽说它们的句法功能不一定完全相同。从文中的分析可以看到词语替代,音位损耗与多义概念转移对于语法化过程的不同影响以及获得的不同结果。

Abstract 摘要
This paper examines some syntactic features, specifically anaphoric reference, of spoken and written Chinese narrative discourse. It is shown that Chafe’s (1982) notions of integration and involvement are apparent in both spoken and written Chinese narrative discourse. By means of integration written narratives are more compact and syntactically more complex, particularly with regard to anaphoric reference. The abundant use of the third-person pronoun gives the oral narratives a more conversational flavor. In the oral narratives it was found that the zero anaphora and the third person pronoun were used at nearly the same proportion, whereas the repetition of the noun phrase was used less than 20% of the time. In the written narratives the zero anaphora was the overwhelming choice of anaphoric reference marking with 55% of the markings. The third person pronoun was the least used with less than 20% of the markings. Statistical tests verified the significance of the pronoun marking in the oral over the written narratives. These findings clearly show that anaphoric reference marking between oral and written informal narrative discourse is dramatically different. This leads one to believe that anaphoric reference marking may indeed be an indicator of discourse type. Though some have suggested that the zero anaphora is the normal marking in Chinese discourse, my results indicate that its productivity depends on the specific type of discourse being analyzed. More research is needed in a wider variety of discourse genres to more fully understand anaphoric reference marking.


本文旨在检验汉语叙述体口语和书面语的一些句法特征,尤其是指代词的使用。Chafe (1982) 指出汉语叙述体口语和书面语中租合参与的概念都很明显。通过租合,书面叙述语更加紧凑, 句法上更加复杂,特别是在指代方面。大量第三人称代词的使用给口语叙述语增添了多一点的对话的特色。在口语叙述语中,虚指代和第三人称代词使用的频率几乎同等,而名词重复则要少20%,书面叙述语中虚指代是所有指代纪录里最突出的一种,占55%。第三人称代词是用最少,只有20%。 统计结果证明代词在口语里的重要性超过书面语。这些发现清楚地表明叙述体口语和非正式书面语里的指代有巨大的差别,这使我们考虑指代的方式是否语体的标志。尽管有人建议虚指代是汉语里正常的指代选择,我的结果表明虚指代的使用频率取决于被分析的具体语体。要更深了节指代方式,更多的研究需要探讨更多样的语言文体。

Abstract 摘要
This paper analyzes the use of the structural sequence “numeral (yi ‘one’)-classifier” (NC) in Mandarin Chinese and its function in discourse. It demonstrates that the use of NCs correlates statistically with a number of morphosyntactic variables, such as the presence of prenominal modifiers, presentative structures, assertions and foregrounded clauses as defined by temporal sequentiality, perfectiveness and narrativity. Therefore, it argues that, on the discourse level, NCs are used as a grounding mechanism to mark the salience of the NPs they occur in. The study also finds that the grounding function is more strongly correlated to classifier use than the thematic centrality account proposed in earlier literature. When NCs have different functions on different linguistic levels, the paper demonstrates that the grounding function represents pragmatic coding (Tomlin, 1985) speciafically on the level of discourse. This analysis also fits in well with Givón’s (1991) “quantity principle” of iconicity that more important information will be given more coding material.


本文研究汉语中数-类词(数词“一”+ 分类词)在话语层次上的作用。文中用统计数字说明数-类词的使用与一系列其它词法句法结构有一定的联系。如,(1) 带有数-类词的名词词组中其它修饰语的数量明显高于不带数-类词的名词词组; (2) 数-类词在存现句中的使用频率极高; (3) 数-类词多用于肯定句中; (4) 数-类词多用于被置于前景的语句中。根据这些特点,作者提出,数-类词在话语层次上有前后景设置的作用,即把名词词组设为前景,置于明显的地位。本项研究还表明,数-类词具有前后景设置作用这一看法,与以往研究中提出的“数-类词的使用取决于名词在主题中的重要性”的观点相比,能够为数-类词的使用提供更好的解释。本文通过对数-类词不同功能的综合观察,指出数-类词在话语层次上的前后景设置的作用属于Tomlin (1985) 提出的“语言结构的语用功能”。这种看法,也完全符合 Givón (1991) 提出的语言符号的数量原则,即,越重要的信息,入码使用的符号也就越多。

Share on facebook
Share on google
Share on twitter