Studies on the history of Chinese syntax
汉语句法历史研究
Edited by Chaofen Sun 孙朝奋 主编
Abstract 摘要
The ten studies in this monograph mostly are revised versions of the sixteen papers presented at the Conference on Chinese Historical Syntax, Stanford, 17th -18th March 1995. This monograph begins with the opening remarks delivered at the conference by Professor William S-Y. Wang, who reviews the state of the art in the study of the evolution of language and its relationship with the study of cognition. The second paper is by Professor Victor Mair who talks about Ma Jianzhong and his motivations in writing the earliest Chinese Grammar in the 19th century. Professor Frank Hsueh’s paper deals with the implications for word order, conjunction, and passivity of the grammatical status of the Classical Chinese verb complement. The subsequent five papers integrate the historical studies with the studies of modern Chinese dialects. Professor Mei Tsu-Lin discusses the dialectal basis of some of the constructions in the Zen Buddhist text Zutangji. Professor Lisa Cheng, James Huang, and Jane Tang, in a joint paper, examine how negative particle questions evolved in history and vary in different modern Chinese dialects, interacting with the verbal aspectual system. Professor Jiang Lansheng employs dialectal information from many modern Chinese dialects to prove that me么 and 们 men share the same origin. Professor Samuel Cheung reviews sources of Early Cantonese materials and the derivations of some Cantonese grammatical elements. Professor Lien Chinfa studies the evolution of the Southern Min tit 得 in light of a set of data taken from Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin texts. Two papers deal with the issue of the genesis of the Chinese verbal suffixes. Professor Cao Guangshun investigates various factors that may bear on the issue, and Professor Ping Chen reconstructs the historical path along which the Mandarin zhe[zhu] 著 became grammaticalized. The editor’s paper discusses the historical changes that ba went through in Middle Chinese and Early Mandarin and the function of ambiguity that it serves in semantic changes.
One paper on zhe by the editor was replaced by the ba paper to avoid having three papers related to the genesis of verbal suffixes. All the other papers that were presented at the conference but not included in the current monograph were omitted due to the extraordinary length of the papers or because the authors chose not to be included. I apologize for the constraints on the length of the papers as is required by the publisher.
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
I am honored by the opportunity to say a few words on this happy occasion, as we open the Stanford Conference on the History of Chinese Syntax. The two central features of syntax, any syntax, are the ordering of elements, and the grouping of these elements into hierarchies. These two features are so fundamental to complex systems that they are found again and again in almost every aspect of human behavior, from artistic expressions like music or sculpture, to the writing of computer programs, to the building of bridges. H. Simon, for example, has argued cogently that hierarchical organization is in fact the basic architecture which underlies all complexity…
Abstract 摘要
1. INTRODUCTION
The earliest grammars of Chinese, which started to appear in the first half of the 17th century, were all written by Westerners. It was not until Ma Jianzhong (1845-1900) wrote his Ma shi wentong 馬氏文通 (Ma’s Grammar) at the very end of the 19th century that the Chinese themselves started to write their own grammars. A complete translation and analysis of the second preface to Ma’s work reveals his motivations and methods, which were strikingly different from those of early Western sinologists. Whereas Ma was concerned entirely with the application of Greek and (mostly) Latin models to Classical Chinese, believing that this systematization would lead to prosperity for his ancient nation, the Westerners focused primarily on the vernaculars as the real, living languages of China and viewed Classical Chinese almost as an artificial construct that was nonetheless an important repository of the wisdom of the past.
2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND TRANSLATION
3. CONCLUSION
Abstract 摘要
1. INTRODUCTION
It has long been noticed that “word order” plays a crucial role in Chinese syntax, both modern and classical. Its syntactic implication is that, in an endocentric construction, the modifier always precedes the modified, while on the sentence level, the subject precedes the predicate and the verb or co-verb precedes the object. When we consistently and vigorously apply this fundamental principle in our analysis of the ancient texts, we often have a better chance of getting the correct, or at least a more appropriate, interpretation for a certain text in question, and acquiring subsequently a better understanding of the nature of Classical Chinese syntax in general. There are, however, some cases in Classical Chinese where the above principle seems to have been violated, particularly in connection with the particle 以 yi. In this paper, I choose to argue that this seeming violation is a phenomenon on a lower level by reevaluation the concept of “verb complement” in its syntax. I shall further argue that, once we accept this type of construction as a verb complement in Classical Chinese syntax, we shall be able to not only provide a reasonable explanation for the seeming violation of the word order principle, but also rectify two misconception held by most scholars of Classical Chinese grammar: first, regarding the co-verb以, the particle of instrumentality, as a conjunction on the same level as 而er and 則ze and, second, calling such syntactic patterns as 可 ke-V, 足 zu-V, 難 nan-V and 易 yi-V passive constructions.
2. SOME CRUCIAL FEATURES OF CLASSICAL CHINESE
2.1 Style Is Conversational
2.2 Subject and Predicate Can Be Viewed as Topic and Comment
2.3 Subject Is Not Always Required
2.4 A Sentence Can Function as a Predicate
2.5 Grammatical Particles Are Sometimes Omitted
3. THE WORD ORDER PRINCIPLE AND 以 AS A FULL VERB
3.1 Why 以 Is Not Always a Preposition
3.2 The Grammatical Roles of 以 Redefined
4. VERB COMPLEMENT (VC) CONSTRUCTION AND 以 AS A CO-VERB
4.1 Verb Complement Construction
4.2 The 以 Phrase and Verb Complement Construction
4.3 Problems with Identifying a VC Construction
5. VC CONSTRUCTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
5.1 Conjunction
5.2 Passivity
6. SUMMARY
Abstract 摘要
《祖堂集》是現在最早的一部襌宗史，卷首有泉州招慶寺淨修蟬師所作的序文，序寫在南唐保大十年(952)。據序文，《祖堂集》是招慶寺靜筠二襌德所編集的。劉堅先生(1985:70)曾經指出，「書中所記主要是福州雪峰山義存襌師一系在福州﹑漳州﹑泉州的歷史」。
1. 《祖堂集》裡的閩語成分
1.1 「汝儂」(你們)
1.2 「豬母」(母豬)
1.3 方位介詞「著」
1.4 「許」(那)﹑「底」(何﹑什麼)
2. 《祖堂集》裡的北方虛詞
2.1 第二身代詞
2.2 第三身代詞
2.3 遠指詞
2.4 多少
3. 《祖堂集》裡閩人的對話和語錄
3.1 《雪峰和尚傳》
3.2 《巖頭和尚傳》
3.3 《雪峰和尚傳》
4. 結語
Abstract 摘要
1.INTRODUCTION
There are a number of ways to form yes-no questions in Chinese, though not every dialect employs all the choices. In this paper, we discuss a particular yes-no construction involving the use of sentence-final negation markers to form yes-no questions.
2. NEGATIVE FORMS
2.1 Mandarin
2.2 Cantonese
2.3 Taiwanese
3. CLASSICAL CHINESE
4. DIALECTAL DIFFERENCES IN NPQs
5. ANALYSIS
5.1 Agreement Versus Non-Agreement Dialects
5.2 NPQs Versus A-Not-A/VP-Not-V Questions
5.2.1 Non-temporal/locative preverbal adjuncts
5.2.2 Co-occurrence with ma/ne
5.3 NPQs Versus Haishi Questions
5.4 Supporting Evidence
5.5 Content of Negation
5.6 Extension
6. CONCLUSION
Abstract 摘要
本文讨论的是疑问代词”甚麽”的”麽”(包括样态指示词”这/那麽”的”麽”)和复数词尾”们”的来源。”麽”字早先也用来标写是非问语气(今作”吗”),其来源是唐五代时间用在疑问句句尾的”无”(“晚来天欲雪，能饮一杯无”白居易<问这十九>诗)，疑问语气词”麽”(吗)不是本文讨论的对象。
1. “甚麽”的”麽”
1.1 来源
1.1.1 “甚麽”的前身
1.1.2 “是物”又作”是勿””是没”
1.1.3 “甚”[-m]字又作”什”[-p]
1.1.4 “漠﹑摩﹑麽”
1.1.5 “物”的变音形式
1.2 释”是物”
1.2.1 “是物”的”是”
1.2.2 “是物”的”物”
1.3 “这/那麽”的”麽”与”甚麽”的”麽”同源
2. 复数词尾”们”
2.1 吕氏关于”们”的来源说
2.2 “物”与”侪﹑等﹑辈﹑曹﹑属
2.3 对复数词尾音变的解释
2.3.1 唐宋以来文献中出现的复数词尾可根据有无鼻音韵尾-n分为两类
2.3.2 “物”与”我弭”之间的音变关系
2.3.3 “门””每”二组语音上的关系
2.4 “么””们”同源的假说
2.4.1 疑问代词与复数词尾用字音通例
2.4.2 样态指示词与复数词尾标记音同例
3. 实词”物”语法化的特点
3.1 同一实词歧变为两个不同的语法成分
3.2 仍保存着实词的若干意义和用法
3.3 词义虚化伴随着音的变化
3.4 引起语法体系的变化
4. 余论
Abstract 摘要
1.INTRODUCTION
While dialectology has always been an important area of investigation in Chinese linguistics, diachronic inquiry has thus far focused primarily on the use of dialectal materials to reconstruct ancient sound systems. Studies of dialectal grammar with a historical perspective have not been particularly productive, a situation that is due not so much to lack of interest as to shortage of data. For centuries, the classical language was the base for all major forms of writing, a tradition that supplies little record of the grammatical evolution in the spoken language. Granted that there was an emerging trend for composing in the vernacular since the Tang dynasty, the majority of such work was written in Mandarin of one form or another. Early writings in other dialects were few, and the scarcity is even more pronounced in Cantonese. Unlike the Wu and Min dialects which saw some productions of fiction and drama in regional idioms as early as the 16th century, the earliest extant work in Cantonese is a collection of folksongs that dates to the early 19th century. However, because of the collection’s composite style of mixing the vernacular with the classical, the songs did not necessarily reveal much about the underlying grammatical operations of spoken Cantonese. Neither did the publication of the anthology encourage the practice of dialectal writing in other forms of composition. In fact, it was not until the middle of the 20th century that a large quantity of Cantonese writings began to appear, especially in newspapers that catered to a native readership in Hong Kong. Interest in Cantonese grammar as a linguistic discipline began in 1960s and studies since then have been essentially restricted to synchronic analyses of the contemporary language.
1.1 Linguistic Study of Cantonese
1.2 Sources Used for This Study
2. THE PERFECTIVE ASPECT
2.1 The Perfective Jo
2.2 The Perfective Hiu
2.3 Relationship between Hiu and Jo
2.4 Verbal Tonal Modification
2.5 The Use of Liuh
2.6 Development of Perfective
2.7 The Origin of Jo
3. CONCLUSION
Abstract 摘要
1. THE STRUCTURE OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION
2. THE HISTORY OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION
2.1 The Formation of a Post-verbal de
2.2 Three Stages of the Development of the de Construction
2.3 The Emergence of the Circumfix E/be-V-tit and the Etymology of E
3. GRAMMATICALIZATION AND REANALYSIS OF THE tit CONSTRUCTION
3.1 The Grammaticalization of tit as a Post-verbal Complement
3.2 The Grammaticalization of tit as a Complement Marker
3.3 The Reanalysis of E/be-V-tit as a Trisyllabic Auxiliary
3.4 The Formation of Polysyllabic Auxiliaries
3.5 The Reanalysis of Be-V-tit as an Adverb of Intensification
4. THE tit CONSTRUCTION IN Li jung ji IN THE MING DYNASTY
5. A CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS OF tit AND de
6. SUMMARY
Abstract 摘要
近代汉语助词系统是近代汉语语法的主要特征之一，它的出现也是近代汉语形成的主要标志之一，对近代汉语助词的研究在近代汉语法及汉语语法史研究中占有重要地位。 近代汉语助词的产生和发展是一个复杂的历史过程，每个助词的形成，都有各种各样的原因和背景，但在这些纷繁复杂的现象当中，也有一些共同的东西，一些影响助词产生和发展的基本因素。本文拟就这些基本因素，作一初步的探讨。
一 结构关系
二 词义变化
三 系统的规范与调整
四 方言差别
五 社会历史背景
六 结语
Abstract 摘要
1. INTRODUCTION
In the history of Chinese, zhu (著,箸,着)* has been used as a verb, a preposition meaning zai ‘at/on/in’ or dao ‘to’, a resultative particle, a durative aspect marker, a progressive aspect marker, and a perfective aspect marker. I will attempt to identify the factors and mechanisms that played an inducing or catalytic role in the process of grammaticalization, particularly in the transition from a full lexical item to an imperfective aspect marker.
2. CHRONOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT
2.1 Verb
2.2 Preposition
2.3 Resultative Particle
2.4 Durative Aspect Marker
2.5 Progressive Aspect Marker
2.6 Perfective Aspect Marker
3. PATH OF GRAMMATICALIZATION
3.1 Verb to Preposition
3.2 Preposition to Resultative Particle
3.3 Marker of Culmination to Imperfective Aspect Marker
3.4 Durative Aspect Marker to Progressive Aspect Marker
3.5 Emergence of Perfective Aspect Marker
4. CONCLUDING REMARKS
Abstract 摘要
1. INTRODUCTION
This paper shows how contexts play an important role in shaping the Modern Mandarin BA construction in history. The categorical change of BA from a verb into a preposition in history resulted from semantic changes that were characterized by semantic ambiguities. BA, in Old Chinese, was a verb meaning “to take, to hold” and was first changed into a mentally oriented abstract verb indicating affectedness in Middle Chinese. This metonymic change may have been at the same time metaphorical as it evolved in analogy with the Old Chinese synonymous verb YI. Furthermore, concurrent with BA’s loss of its verbal status around the 19th century, it was transformed into a metalinguistic marker of high transitivity and became correlated to referential nominals and temporally bounded propositions. At the same time, BA lost its instrumental function. It was found from the uses of YI and BA in Old and Middle Chinese that the meaning associated with high transitivity, as well as the instrumental meaning, may directly derive from BA’s verbal meanings, but the rise of its attitudinal meaning was probably mediated through constructions that are related to the instrumental reading.
2. THE MODERN MANDARIN BA CONSTRUCTION
3. THE OLD CHINESE BA AND YI CONSTRUCTIONS
4. THE EARLY BA CONSTRUCTION
4.1 BA’s Grammatical Status and the Purposive Construction
4.2 Two Metonymic Processes
4.2.1 The Old Chinese YI construction
4.2.2 The Middle Chinese BA construction
4.3 A Metaphorical Process
5. THE GRAMMATICALIZATION OF BA
5.1 Loss of Instrumental Meaning and the Emergence of the Referential Constraint
5.2 The Constraint of Temporal Boundedness
6. SUMMARY
EN 
ZH-HK 
ZH-CN