Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.3 (1975) 中国语言学报 3 卷 (1975)
Volume 3, No 1
Hisao Hirayama 平山久雄
Nasalization is a widespread areal feature among the contemporary dialects of China. From a survey of over a thousand ‘diapoints’ emerges a clear distributional pattern of nasal vowels (NV’s): they tend to occupy the lower portion of the vowel space. Three hypotheses are proposed to explain this phenomenon: (1) Nasalization tends to spread from low to high vowels, as a result, low NV’s are the most likely to emerge. (2) Denasalization progresses in the opposite direction; low NV’s are, therefore, the most likely to survive the attrition. (3) NV’s tend to fall; consequently, NV’s tend to populate the lower corner of the vowel triangle. Each of these hypotheses is examined against a broad data base. Hypothesis (1), it will be shown, must be refined so as to take into account an added parameter: nasalization is more likely to be triggered by an anterior nasal (-m,n) rather than a posterior (-n) ending. Hypothesis (1), modified with the qualifier noted above, is strongly supported by an impressive body of dialectological data. Hypothesis (2) receives some empirical support, but the overriding pattern of denasalization seems to be determined by an ‘equal lifespan’, that is the oldest crop of NV’s is also the first to undergo denasalization, the newest the last. The dialectological evidence for Hypotheses (3) is ambiguous, as NV’s shift in unpredictable directions. However, while nasality appears to favor lowering, certain upward movement of NV’s can be regarded as part of the general rising tendency of tense or long vowels (-VN > by compensatory lengthening).
The movements of such higher predicates as time, locative, and complementationverbs are studied, and Tai’s Predicate Placement Constraint is rejected as an incorrect account of predicate movements in Chinese. It is proposed, on the other hand, that there is only leftward movement involving predicates in Chinese.
书评：Grammaire elementaire du Chinois. Alexis Rygaloff 著.Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1973. 246 页 + 字表, 地图, 参考书目及索引. $6.00
Timothy Light 黎天睦
Volume 3, No 2
Shuang-fu Lin 林双福
In this paper the semantic distributions and tonal behaviors of four types of lái ‘come’ in Taiwanese are explored. From our discussion we conclude that some types of lái cannot be fully understood without making reference to their underlying structures, and that surface structure is sometimes insufficient for determining the tonal shape of a syllable in an utterance.
This paper presents an exhaustive analysis of the rhyming employed by the Liu Song poet Xie Zhuang (b. 421). A summary of his rhymes and finals and a reconstruction conforming to this is included. Then the phonological evolution of eight rhymes is traced in detail among the members of the Xie family, from Xie Lingyun (b. 385) to Xie Tiao (b. 464). Finally, a comparison is made with Xie Zhuang’s contemporary, Bao Zhao (also b. ca. 421), which demonstrates that Bao Zhao’s rhyming did not yet reflect certain phonological splits already found in Xie Zhuang’s rhyming.
While Chinese preverbal locatives denote the locations of actions and states of affairs, postverbal ones denote the locations of participants of actions. This functional difference is the governing principle for the word order of Chinese place adverbials. Syntactic evidence based on Chinese data shows that these two functions of place adverbials can not be reduced into one single function, and thus argues against Geis’ theory of place adverbials.
Morphological patterns studied in conjunction with phonetic series and, occasionally, Tibeto-Burman (TB) comparative data, reveal that Ancient Chinese (AnC) medial w/u (‘ho-kou’), which developed usually out of Archaic Chinese (ArC) medial w, has three different origins: (1) well known secondary ho-kou after labial initials. In many instances, this medial w established by Kargren for Archaic Chinese is nonphonemic, as if often AnC w after x- (xw- kwang). This survives only in certain environments and shows therefore no trace in words such as AnC ang ‘sheep’, for which there is now reason to reconstruct ArC lwang (<lu-ang). in=”” front=”” of=”” dental=”” and=”” labial=”” final=”” consonants,=”” we=”” find=”” already=”” arc=”” the=”” secondary=”” vowel=”” which=”” caused=”” earlier=”” head=”” vowel,=”” u,=”” ô=”” o=”” to=”” become=”” a=”” bilabial=”” (e.g.=”” *mot=””> ArC mwt). Due to labial dissimilation, this ho-k’ou disappears by the Ancient Chinese period in words with labial finals (e.g. *swm > swm > sm > AnC sâm).</lu-ang).>