Volume 16, No 1
In this paper we investigate four types of NP-Movement rules in Mandarin Chinese. Our purpose is to find some universal constraint(s) for all four types, so that we can reduce structural description to a minimum. In doing this investigation we apply the Subjacency Condition, the Specific Subject Condition, and the Tensed Sentence Condition which generative linguists for the theory of Government and Binding have been claiming as universal constraints. Our empirical result shows that these constraints are not relevant for the Chinese cases; instead, the A-over-A principle, which is not always observed in English movement rules, has been found to function as a universal constraint for all four types of NP-Movement in Chinese. We also venture our opinion based on these findings.
在本文中，作者调查了汉语中四种不相同的名词移动规则，目的是想找出一些共同必须遵守的原则，籍以减少对个别结构方面的描写。在调查中，我们试用了生成语言学派 (Generative Linguistics) 认为必须遵行的三个普遍条件，也就是同层次或次层次条件 (the Subjacency Condition), 特殊主词条件 (the Specific Subject Condition), 时态句子条件 (the tensed Sentence Condition)。根据调查结果，我们发现这三个条件都不适用于中文，相反地，在英语中并不是受到普遍遵守的相同词类原则 (the A-over-A principle) 却一致地适用于汉语中各种名词移动规则。作者在结论一章中，就调查结果对目前盛行的语言学理论表示了他的看法。
儿童对 '的' 字结构的习得
Jerome L. Packard 裴吉瑞
This paper details a study of the use of the marker de by two groups of two-year-old children acquiring Mandarin as their first language. The study focuses on whether these children acquire the lexically headless or headed form first, and whether the acquisition of a lexical head is related to the form of the modifying complement. The matrix embedding of de structures is also examined. The study found that children learning Mandarin acquire the lexically headless form first, and that the acquisition of the headed form is related to the complexity of the modifying complement. Pragmatic factors, as well as constraints on length and specificity, are evaluated as an explanation for the prior appearance of headless forms. It is suggested that children produce the headless forms first because of incomplete control of dominance relations that obtain between a head and its modifier.
Youwen Ye 叶友文
The semantic relations of disposal constructions using “把/将” in the Sui-Tang period can be divided into three types: the simple disposal, the placing disposal and the giving disposal. The simple disposal first appeared in the verses of the Tang Dynasty. The other two can be traced back to the pre-Qin period. Before the Sui-Tang period, the placing disposal construction was contained in sentences with “於/于”; the giving disposal construction was contained both in sentences with “於/于” and in sentences with “以”. In the Sui-Tang period, the disposal construction with “将/把” began to take over the other two forms. Finally, it became the only sentence pattern in spoken Chinese to express ‘disposal’, thus ending the complex relationship between grammatical constructions and semantic relations in the expression of “disposal”.
从句位为中心到语境为中心: 汉语中的 "才" 跟 "就"
Yung-O Biq 毕永峨
Cai and jiu in Mandarin Chinese sometimes appear synonymous with one another and sometimes antonymous. The diversity in interpreting cai and jiu in various contexts is accounted for by treating these two words as quantificational adverbs which place four types of focus on some element involved in speech: parametric, limiting, emphatic, and temporal. Cai marks a denying-expectation focusing while jiu marks a simple focus. Pragmatic notions such as scalar implicature, the Gricean maxim of quantity, and the principle of relevance, are utilized to derive the various interpretations of these two words from their general meaning. Integrating semantics and pragmatics both recovers the systematic relation between cai and jiu, and allows for a unified analysis of the uses of these two adverbs.
The study analyses the fundamental frequency contours for the tones in two varieties of the Yao language, Guo-Shan Yao (one of the Iu Mien varieties), and Ba-Pai Yao (one of the Yau Min varieties), spoken in northern Guangdong Province in China. The results of the analysis are compared with the data described in the earlier studies of other varieties of both Iu Mien and Yau Min. The tones in all the Iu Mien varieties spoken in and outside China are similar, except in Guo-Shan Yao the number of the long tones is one less. There are discrepancies in the description of the tones in Yau Min between this and previous studies. Between Guo-Shan Yao and Ba-Pai Yao, there are differences as well as similarities in fundamental frequency contour for different tonal categories.
本文分析 Guo-Shan 瑶语和 Ba-Pai 瑶语声调的基频曲线。 分析的结果与早先其它的瑶语研究作了比较。在中国境内和境外的 Iu Mien 瑶语的声调基本相同，只是 Guo-Shan 瑶语的长调少了一个。但在 Yau Min 瑶语的声调上，我们的结果与早先的研究有较大的出入。在 Guo-Shan 和 Ba-Pai 瑶语之间， 不同调类的基频曲线既有相异之处也有相同之处。
Eileen Shu-Hui Chen 陈淑惠
A great deal of current research in language planning has been undertaken in recent years. Language standardization in terms of properties and functions is a topic widely discussed and studied. So far, Western ascendancy has motivated many developing countries to implement language modernization processes, such as standardization, lexical modernization or script reform. This article discusses the modernization of the Chinese language, both in Taiwan and Mainland China. Some problems which surfaced during the planning processes are examined in the light of functional theories, which provides us with evidence to an integrated understanding of lingering problems. Suggestions and directions are also offered for future research and study to help make standardization and modernization successful realities in the near future.
Robert Iljic 罗毅
It is generally admitted that there is a small group of Chinese adjectives which refer invariably to constant, unchangeable qualities. On the formal level, these “absolute” adjectives, as opposed to “scalar” adjectives, are defined as being incompatible with intensifiers and can supposedly neither function as predicates without being followed by NP modification marker de nor enter a comparison. The only way to assign a property expressed by an absolute adjective would be a resort to shi…de equational sentence (pseudo-cleft). It is demonstrated here that these so-called “absolute” adjectives can, almost always, provided there is a suitable context, have a scalar acceptation. Therefore the opposition ‘absolute’ versus ‘scalar’ doesn’t simply amount to divide, once for all, the adjectives into two mutually exclusive sub-groups. For the same adjective the one or the other interpretation is a question of context, and possibly of the locutor’s intentions, but not merely a problem of intrinsic meaning of that adjective. Thus, there is no ground for establishing a special class of lexical items labeled “absolute adjectives”. If, nevertheless, the term “absolute adjective” were to be preserved it should be clearly understood as alluding only to the high statistical probability of certain adjectives to occur in shi…de equationals, and not as referring to a lexical category with specific grammatical characteristics. It is claimed that whatever the quality an adjective designates may be, it is a priori susceptible of two interpretations: variable or invariable, depending on the physical and cultural properties of the notions to which it is ascribed and/or on the aspect brought out by the locutor in one particular situation.
Volume 16, No 2
In English and other Western languages, conditional sentences are normally either counterfactual (if he were …) or non-counterfactual (if he is…). Chinese conditionals usually do not distinguish these two types, and many linguists believe that the language never marks counterfactuality at all. It turns out, however, that using the negator bu shi instead of mei(you) or bu in a conditional clause often turns it into a counterfactual. Thus, although Chinese normally does not make the counterfactuality distinction, it is not true that it never does. This article discusses the use of the counterfactual construction in Modern Chinese, with some glimpses into Early Mandarin and Classical Chinese. Finally, it points out several important differences between the Chinese counterfactual and the English one.
英语中的“If he is ….” 和“If he were …” 两个句型是有所分别的，后者表示所谓“违反事实的假设”。在汉语中，“If he is …” 和 “If he were …” 都是用一个句型来代表的，即“如果他是 …..”。因此，有许多语言学家以为，汉语没有“违反事实的假设”标记，在大部分的情况之下，汉语确实没有这样的标记。然而，若用‘不是’来否定假设从句，这常常表示违反事实的假设。本文讨论现代汉语中违反事实的假设，也提到其在早期白话和古汉语中的用法，最后分析违反事实的假设在汉语与英语中所扮演角色的一些重要差别。
One controversy in Chinese syntax has been the category status of such ‘locative particles’ as shang or li in zhuozi shang ‘on the table’ or wuzi li ‘in the room’: some scholars have called them postpositions, others have considered them nouns. In this paper I offer arguments for the former position. Whichever alternative is chosen, such words will be atypical members of the category, so it is necessary to specify theoretical mechanisms to account for their atypical properties. If shang, li, etc., are considered nouns, we will be forced to say (a) that head nouns in a highly isolating language may be obligatorily bound, and (b) that a noun may obligatorily have a relational, non-referential function. Both of these devices are extremely unusual and undesirable. On the other hand, if these words are postpositions, the only crucial devices are (c) an unusual subcategorization option, where the preposition zai takes a PP object (in e.g. zai zhuozi shang) and (d) allowing adpositions to follow their objects, in a language where verbs and prepositions normally precede their objects. I show that both (c) and (d) may be accommodated fairly easily in syntactic theory, and that therefore we are dealing with genuine (albeit somewhat unusual) postpositions.
Tone is the main suprasegmental feature of Chinese. The musical rhythm and melody of traditional Chinese poems and vocal music works are built on the basis of tones of characters. This paper attempted to reconstruct the four tones in the Song Dynasty on the basis of musical scores attached to the seventeen ci (词) written by the famous poet and musician Jiang Baishi (姜白石 1155-1221). Since ci （词）is poetry written to certain tunes with strict tonal patterns and rhyme schemes, the rising and falling of music scales in the procession of music compositions may help us reconstruct the patterns of the tones. The proposed contours of the four tones are as follows: level, falling, rising and fast closing level.
Yau Shun-chiu 游顺钊
Haas (1942) wrote the first article entirely devoted to classifiers, in this case with reference to Thai, in a major linguistic journal. Since then the literature on the subject has increased substantially. Certain interesting aspects of classifiers, however, remain untreated, notably the evolution of this linguistic category in one particular language. Classifiers constitute the only grammatical category in the Chinese language whose emergence dates well after the beginning of recorded history. Since Chinese is rich in this category and sufficiently documented with written texts as ancient as the 14th century B.C., it is therefore well placed as an appropriate if not ideal language for tracing the evolution of a classifier system. In this article, I mainly deal with the genesis of this grammatical category in Chinese from a cognitive point of view. Based on evidence from Archaic Chinese, I argue that the emergence of this grammatical category was first motivated by a mnemonic necessity often manifested in language. It was these mnemonic devices that later evolved into what is now called classifiers. I limit my arguments to the Chinese case, but I strongly believe that the principle underlying my arguments will ultimately find echoes in some other classifier languages.
Interrogative sentences are not always used as actual requests for information. “Rhetorical interrogations” are interrogations that have assertive value; this displacement of modality is connected with an inversion of negation. In Chinese, this kind of construction, called fanwenju (FWJ) has two types of markers. Some markers are specific of the medium used, such as, in the spoken form, intonation patterns, or, in the written form, the use of specific adverbs (e.g. nandao “hard to say”). There are also syntactic markers, such as the position of the negation, whose function is more systematic than in European languages. I study three types of sequences. (1) In negative sentences, the adverbs jiu “thus, soon”, ye “also, even”, hai “still” usually precede the negation. The reverse is acceptable only if the sentence may be understood as FWJ. (2) In predicates including an auxiliary verb, the most usual place for the negation is before the auxiliary. The negation before the second verb usually denotes a FWJ. (3) Although the sequence “negation + dei (must)” is considered by most authors as ungrammatical, it is currently used with a FWJ meaning. In this paper I also discuss the most frequent uses of FWJ in the different types of interrogative sentences in Chinese, i.e. tezhi wenti “Question-word Question”, shifei wenti “Intonation/particle Question” and fanfu wenti “A-not-A Question”.
The paper discusses the findings of an investigation on the manners in which the Mandarin numeral classifiers (NCL) are used in natural discourse. Five short stories written in Mandarin published in Taiwan are investigated. 14 native speakers of Chinese (all Cornell students) were consulted to help determine the discourse status of various topics. Significantly, 44% of the semantically referential-indefinite entities are found to be introduced into the discourse without NCL’s. Furthermore, 80% of the major discourse entities as determined both by our subjects’ judgment and our discourse persistence values (the number of occurrences within 10 clauses after the initial introduction) are introduced into the discourse with the NCL’s, while 2% of the minor entities at their initial occurrences are without NCL’s. Thus, the findings of the current study reveals that there appears to be a correlation between the use of NCL and the thematic status of the discourse entities. The overriding principle is thematic centrality.
In the speech of Lanzhou dialect xia (下) has two different pronunciations: and. The former is known as “colloquial pronunciation”, the latter as “literary pronunciation”. When xia is used as causative verb, it is never pronounced as, but. In other situations the two pronunciations are both allowable. Most of the young people are likely to adopt the literary pronunciation, whereas the middle age and old people the colloquial pronunciation. By comparing with the pronunciations of xia in various places such as Xi’an, Hu county in Shanxi Province and Linxia county in Gansu, it is clear that the change of xia from to did not affect all the words at one time. The causative verb xia is the pioneer of this change. There is no transitional sound such as between and. This is just in accordance with the lexical diffusion sequence theory. It is suggested that one of the causes of the lexical diffusion sequence is due to both the grammatically special use of a word and its combinations with other words.
兰州方言中的“下”有两种读音，一种是,另一种是。“下”是中古匣母马韵开口二等字。很明显，这两种读音反映了“下”古今语音形式上的差别。前一读是较早时期的读音，后一读是晚期的读音。古今语言形式并存的现象在汉语方言中不乏其例。而且往往以文白异读的途径表现出来：白读用较早的语音形式，文读用晚起的语音形式。因此，研究兰州方言的文献，对“下”的两种读音也只以文白差异（前一读为白读，后一读为文读）一说而了之。说文白之差，当然是对的，但具体怎么个差法，还值得做进一步的观察和研究。例如，同样是口语常用单音词，“下山”，“山下” 的 “下” 有文白两读。而 “下蛋”， “下雨” 的 “下” 只有文读，没有白读，也就是说，只能念后一种读音，不念前一种读音。这是为什么？本文拟就兰州方言中“下 ”的用法和两种读音的关系做具体说明，并对形成这种关系的原因提出一些看法，以就教于学界同行。为了排印方便，下文对 “下” 的前一读称 “白读”，后一读称 “文读”，尽量少写音标。
Randy J. Lapolla 罗仁地
This paper discusses an attempt to write a computer program that would properly model the phonological development of Chinese from Middle Chinese to Modern Peking Mandarin, using the rules in Chen 1976. Several problems are encountered, the most significant being that the rules cannot apply in the same order for all lexical items. The significance of this in terms of the implementation of sound change is briefly discussed.