Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.19 (1991) 中国语言学报 19 卷 (1991)
Volume 19, No 1
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
Chinese Pidgin English is a contact language widely used along the coast of China in the 18th and 19th century. It was formed in a very restricted contact situation to fulfill limited communication need between English-speaking traders and their Cantonese-speaking servants. Many linguistic features of this pidgin can be considered as contribution from Cantonese. A few features can be analyzed as simplification from both languages. No exclusive English structural feature is found in the data of pre-20th-century Chinese Pidgin English.
Abstract 摘要
Although both Chinese and European languages exhibit long distance reflexives, the properties of long distance reflexives appear to be different in Chinese from those in European languages. In this paper, we focus on two differences. First, in Chinese, long distance reflexives exhibit “blocking effects” while there is no blocking effect in European languages. Second, in European languages but not in Chinese reflexives can only be bound across certain clause types. We suggest that long distance reflexives involved successive cyclic head movement in all languages and that what distinguishes the distribution of reflexives in Chinese from that in European languages is the effect of rich or impoverished morphology.
长距离反身词在中文和欧洲语言里均属常见，但显示的特点却不同。本文重点讨论两者的不同之处。第一，中文在运用长距离反身词上有所谓的“阻碍现象”，而欧洲语言没有。第二，中文里的长距离反身词，不像欧洲语言，不会受到某些特定句式的影响。我们对上述差异所提出的解释是：所有语言里的长距离反身词都必须经过连续循环的“主要语提升” (head movement)，而中文与欧洲语言之间长距离反身词的差异则取决于该语言词语结构变化的多寡。
Abstract 摘要
Most likely southern poets of the Yuan wrote songs using the ru-tone of their southern dialects. If their usage differs consistently from how northern poets used these tones, it could be another indication that the ru-tone had actually disappeared from the northern spoken dialects. In the following study I have analyzed all 2ru-tones in the 53 songs written to the Heiqi nu song form. The results are only tentative. There are appended a list of all 2ru-tones in the songs and a statistical register of the tones in each line.
元朝南方作家是用南方方言的入声来作曲的。如果北方人用韵跟南方人用韵的区别一至的话，北方口语的入声就真的已经派入三声了。本文研究在黑漆努五十三首里入声作平声的问题。文中包括有五十三首中入声作平声的一览表和从统计资料编成的曲谱。
Abstract 摘要
This paper reexamines the grammatical category status of coverbs in Mandarin Chinese. It considers the properties of coverbs used in earlier works to identify them as verbs, prepositions, or both, and demonstrates that none of these properties serves to distinguish the class of coverbs from the class of verbs in Mandarin, or to identify coverbs as prepositions. It illustrates problems with Li’s 1985 assumptions about thematic role properties central to her Case structure analysis of Mandarin and uses thematic properties to distinguish ba from the class of coverbs. Finally, it accounts for the major properties of coverbs in terms of semantic features, thematic role assignment, and phrase structure configuration.
本文对汉语中“同动词 (coverb)”的语法分类问题进行了重新探讨。在以前的论着中，把“同动词”划分为动词，介词或动词兼介词。本文分析了这些划分的特征，认为这些特征既不能把“同动词”与动词加以区别，又不能证实“同动词”为介词。1985年李博士 (Audrey Li) 提出了关于主题作用特征的设想。此设想是她进行汉语“格”结构分析的核心。本文对她的这个设想提出了一些问题。并运用主题特征把“把”字从“同动词”的词类中区分了出来。最后，本文从语义特征，主题作用及短语结构上阐述了“同动词”的一些主要特征。
Discussion 讨论
Report 报告
Announcement 消息
New Publication 新书
Volume 19, No 2
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
Thirty-six instances of confusion between the nasal endings -n and -ng in dictionaries and rime books have been cited. The data here show that among all the finals, the pairs -in/-ing and -en/-eng have been most unstable. There are indications that final -in will be the first to lose its identity. Data of current actual speech in Singapore and Taipei reveal a predominant trend of -in merging into -ing and -eng merging into -en. A total of 104 attested examples of confusion or interflow between the retroflexed and the dental obstruents have been found in rime books, dictionaries and, in a few cases, reported current speech. There are 66 instances of de-retroflexion; 46 of them have lost retroflexion completely; 20 are in a two-reading stage. 15 examples of acquisition of retroflexion have been found; 13 can probably be attributed to influence of graphs sharing the same phonetic component. There were 23 characters that started out with both types of initials; 20 of them in Middle Chinese and 3 recent formations in the 1932 system. Of which, 11 retain only the dental readings, 5 retain only the retroflexed readings, 4 preserve both types of readings and 3 have become obsolete. The data here indicate that the confusion between the two types of initials can be traced back to the time of MC.
Abstract 摘要
The present paper explores the problem of linguistic stratification in syntax by presenting the case of V-not-V question forms in Southern Min as seen in several colloquial Southern Min documents from different historical periods–The Litchi (Mirror) Tale, The Golden Flower Girl, Su Liu-niang and The Schoolmate and Zither Book–as well as in the contemporary Yilan dialect of Taiwan and the Shantou dialect of Guangdong. Our conclusion is that there are at least three different strata of this syntactic form in Southern Min: a premodern colloquial stratum with the form 可/豈 VP-NEG from which may have sprung the modern colloquial ADV-VP form, a standard Southern Min stratum with the form VP-NEG which span several centuries and still survive to this day and a non-native stratum in the form of VP-NEG-VP as a result of contact with Northern dialects. In this new light of syntactic stratification, we can understand why more than one syntactic form exists in Southern Min as equivalents to the V-not-V question form and still support Professor Zhu Dexi’s general claim that the two major types of V-not-V question forms are mutually exclusive in distribution among the dialects, although we may think that perhaps there are three, instead of two such major types. What is of paramount interest is that similar kinds of interrogative structures not only exist in other Sino-Tibetan languages and neighboring non-Sino-Tibetan languages, but also seem to indicate the same type of complementary distribution. It will be of immense typological significance to investigate further into the problems of the origination and diffusion of these question types. Then, the problem of syntactic stratification of not only Southern Min dialects or the Chinese dialects but the Sino-Tibetan languages will then come to light.
本文以闽南话的反复问句为例，从历时及共时的层次问题。在分析了这种问句在明清时代的四种戏曲（荔枝记，金花女，苏六娘，同窗琴书记）和现代台湾的宜兰方言及广东的汕头方言以后，我们的结论是：反复问句在闽南方言至少有三个层次–口语层次，标准闽南话层次，北方话层次。建立了层次的观念以后就不难了解为什么反复问句在闽南话包括不止一种结构，同时也可以证实朱德熙先生所出的两种反复问句句型的互补关系。更有意思的是，反复问句的几种句型不但存在于其它汉藏语言，而且保持着同样的互补关系。这个问题值得我们深入研究；如果能弄清楚这种句型的源流，演变和扩散，不但汉语方言的语法层次问题，甚至于汉藏讲法层问题也可以迎刃而解了。
Abstract 摘要
Linguists seem to have a different opinion on the syntactic properties of the PP’s in Classical Chinese. While many assume that Classical Chinese had predominantly postverbal prepositions, many others believe otherwise. This study finds that the latter view is perhaps correct and that the PP’s in Classical Chinese could be either postverbal or preverbal. On text-count level, PP’s of the two types are about equally divided. Furthermore, this paper shows that the adposition yi 以 can be used as a preverbal preposition, a postverbal preposition, or a preverbal postposition in Classical Chinese. Evidence will be given to contend that the variation between the preverbal and postverbal uses of yi seems to be motivated by discourse factors. The nominals following the preverbal yi seem to be much closer to their antecedents than those after the postverbal yi. In addition, the high degree of variability of yi may follow from an earlier grammatical change, i.e. changing from postpositional to prepositional. Thus, it is hypothesized that the postpositional use of yi perhaps was simply a vestige of earlier Sino-Tibetan syntax.
语言学家对古汉语中介词短语的句法特点有不同的看法。有的认为古汉语中的介词短语大都是在动词的后面，但也有人持反对意见。本人支持后者的观点。事实上古汉语中的介词短语用在动词前后均可。在应用上，动词前和动词后介词短语的使用频率似乎是不相上下。在古文中，“以”字有时用在动词前，有时用在动词后，在动词前的，有时还是后置词。有不少例子显示“以”字的用法可能是有一定规律的。动词前的和动词后的“以”字句可能是和上下文的话语结构有关。动词前“以”字后的名词一般都较动词后“以”字后的名词较接近它的先行词“antecedent”。至于“以”字后置词的用法则可能是因上古语法的演变而造成的。汉语的词序可能是从汉藏语的主宾谓演变成主谓宾。所以，古汉语中的后置词用法可能是古汉藏语语法的痕迹。
Abstract 摘要
Passive forms in contemporary Chinese require an obligatory post-verbal constituent, which was not required in ancient Chinese. This change has three possible explanations. The first one is the rapid development of the V-R structure. In ancient Chinese, what was needed to express a factitive meaning was the V-O structure, while today the V-R structure is the dominant one and R cannot be omitted. The second explanation is related to the aspect of passive verbs. Passive forms generally express the accomplished aspect, in which case the verb is marked by an aspectual particle. When a non-accomplished aspect verb is in the passive form, a post-verbal constituent is required in order to add the accomplished meaning. Consequently, either in the former or in the latter, the post-verbal constituent becomes indispensable. The last reason is that the R holds the key meaning in the V-R structure. Semantically speaking, V plays the role of manner circumstantial complement and R is the focus of the whole passive sentence. Thus, R is essential and cannot be deleted.
现代汉语中的被动式一般是需要有一个补语跟在动词后面。这似乎已经成为一个必要的条件。而古汉语的被动式却不需要这个成分呢。本文从三个方面来解释这句法现象。首先是V-R式的迅速发展。古汉语表达使动式只要用V-O就可以了，而现代汉语必须用V-R式。由于被动式不仅表达被动行为，更重要的是还表达被动行为所造成的结果。因此在V-R式的影响下，R是不可缺部分。其次是被动式动词的语态。被动式一般表达完成态。完成态动词一般后面跟一个完成态的标记。如果遇到未完成态动词，必需在这个动词后面加上某个补语成分，也就是说加上完成态的意义。因此，无论是完成态动词还是未完成态动词，补语成分都是不可缺的。最后是V-R式的讲义分析。从语义角度看，V起方式方法状语的作用，而R反而是句义中心所在。因此R是不可缺少的。
Abstract 摘要
At least three distinct approaches to the analysis of Chinese regulated verse have appeared in the literature of the past half century: linear, metrical tree, and metrical grid. Wang Li (1957), Downer and Graham (1963), T’sou (1968), and Jakobson (1970) have all offered linear accounts of this verse, and all of these accounts have been argued to be inadequate in Chen 1979. Chen gives the second approach: he applies generative theories of meter that were developed in more recent years and comes up with a tree analysis that has received wide acclaim (as in Graham 1980, Yip 1980a & b, Xue 1989). While some linguists have offered explicit criticisms of varying parts of Chen’s analysis (such as Liu 1980, Schlepp 1980b), others have offered evidence that goes counter to certain details of Chen’s analysis without citing Chen’s work (Boyce 1980, Cheung 1980, Ripley 1980). But only two works that I know of have offered entire alternative analyses to Chen’s. One is the linear analysis in Lorentz 1980; the other is the metrical grid analysis in Napoli 1989. In this paper I argue that no single approach, whether linear, arboreal, or grid, is adequate to account for all aspects of Chinese regulated verse.
上半世纪的研究论着，对律诗的分析至少有三种不同的探讨方法线性的分析，诗韵律的树状图和诗韵律的格子状分布。王力(1957), Downer和Graham（1963）, T’sou (1968)，以及Jakobsen（1970）都对律诗提出线性的描述，1979年Chen指出所有的这些描述都缺少足够的立足点。Chen提出第二个探讨方法：他用的是诗节奏有繁殖能力的理论；这是较近几年发展出来的树状图分析法。这种分析法受到广泛的赞扬（如Graham 1980，Yip 1980a 和 b，Xue 1989）。一些语言学家对Chen论文中不同部分提出明晰的批评（如Liu1980，Schlepp 1980b）；也有一些语言学家对Chen某些分析的细节提出相反的证据，但是没有指明是针对Chen的文章（如Boyce 1980，Cheung 1980，Ripley 1980），据我所知，目前只有两篇文章针对Chen的理论，提出对律诗完全不同的另外一套分析；一篇是Lorentz 1980年提出的线性分析，一篇Napoli 1989年的诗韵律格子状分析。在这篇文章里，我论证如果只采用一种分析法，不管是线性的也好，树状图的也好，格子状分布的也好，都不能涵盖中国律诗的各个方面，得过来看，树状图的方法最适合分析韵脚的形态，线性分析法最适合声调形态的研究。
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