Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.20 – 1992

Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol. 20 (1992) 中国语言学报 20 卷 (1992)

Volume 20, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Among the five major dialect-groups of modern Chinese:

1. Northern Mandarin, e.g. Pekinese
2. Wu, e.g. the Suzhou dialect and, more recently, Shanghainese
3. Hakka, e.g. the Moiyan (Meixian) dialect
4. Min, e.g. the Fuzhou and Amoy dialect
5. Yue, e.g. Cantonese

the Hakka dialects usually draw the least attention of modern linguists. Thus, studies on the Hakka are often only added toward the very end of a list of papers at conferences or in collected essays on Chinese dialects, apparently in order to complete the coverage of the major dialect-groups of Chinese.

在现代汉语的八大方言中,研究得最少的,并且最不够的是客家方言。近代汉语方言学太着重于语音演变规律,不太重视描写汉语的"活的"语言情况。由于汉语方言学太关心方言的区域分画,反而不太注意到一个最基本的问题就是:是不是汉语真如印欧语那样发展。 随着方言调查结果的发表,我们现在能够充分地把汉语方言从波浪说的观点重新检讨一下。本文分六个部分来讨论客家方言:(1)导言,(2)客家方言在汉语主要方言里的地位,(3)客家话当作方言波,(4)和别的方言的连关,(5)和北方语言的连接关系,(6)结论。 本文指出了一些最基础的,最重要的问题,并提出了一些新的观点,以期望客家话研究的进一步发展。

Abstract 摘要
Grammatical relations such as head, argument and modifier are found to be crucial to the application of phrase-level tone sandhi rules in the Fuzhou dialect. Modifiers (but not arguments) preceding the head can undergo tone sandhi, as can heads preceding arguments (but not modifiers). Previous analyses by Chan, Wright and Shih are discussed, as are the theoretical implications of the present hypothesis.

福州话的连读变调规则与语法关系密切相连:在一个词组里,中心语(head)之前的修饰语(modifier)变调,论元(argument)不变调;中心语在论元之前变调,在修饰语之前不变调。 本文亦在探讨了此种分析所牵涉的理论问题,同时也讨论了Chan Wright, Shih等人的分析。

Abstract 摘要
How to analyze the resultative construction in Chinese is one of the long-disputed topics in the literature of Chinese syntax. The issue centers on whether the first verb (VI) or the second verb (V2) should be treated as the head verb in the construction. Six cross-linguistic properties characterizing HEAD are reviewed and five of them are shown to be generalizable to Chinese: semantic functor, subcategorizand, morphosyntactic locus, distributional equivalent, and obligatory element. These properties demonstrate that it is V1, and not V2, that should be analyzed as the head of the resultative construction – – a conclusion which leads to some• satisfying consequences concerning the utility of the discourse information center and the constraint on the verbal subcategorization frame in Chinese.

怎样分析汉语"得"字动补结构"我跑得快"是中文句法界长期争论不休的一个问题。争论的焦点在于把"跑"还是"快"分析成为该结构的主要谓语动词(head)。本文研究了人类语言主要谓语动词的六项特征,并论证其中五项适用于汉语。这五项特征是句法结构中语义功能的作用者(semantic functor),次范畴的支配者(sub-categorizand),构词形态词干(morpho-syntactic locus),分布上的同等结构(distributional equivalent)以及构句必要成份(obligatory element)。这些特征表明"得"字结构的主要谓语动词是第一个动词"跑",而不是第二个动词"快"。本文的结论还有助于探讨汉语中其他两个概念。语言信息中心(information center)的功用和动词次范畴所受的约束(verbal subcategorization constraint)。

Abstract 摘要
The qualitative nature of basic processes in reading Chinese texts was examined by analyzing the on-line reading performance of 32 school-labeled disabled and normal Chinese elementary readers in Taipei, Taiwan. Comparisons of oral reading responses were made between these two groups of readers through a process-oriented analysis procedure in which reading errors were categorized with respect to the influences of various cues, such as syntactic, semantic, graphic, and sound cues. Results of the analysis revealed that all readers, both disabled and normal, used various language cues in oral reading suggesting a universal aspect of reading process. However, there were orthography-specific effects due to the unique Chinese writing system. Finally, the analysis indicated that the disabled readers were unable to use the spoken speech as a means of holding seemingly disjoined Chinese characters together. Consequently, they were unable to decipher the intended meaning from printed words as presented in the passage.

本文主要是以"阅读线索导向分析"的方法来探讨阅读障碍儿童及正常儿童在阅读历程上是否有性质上的不同。所谓"阅读线索导向分析"指的是读者在阅读过程中,利用已有的知识,如文法上的,字义上的,字形上的或字音上的各种线索来促进或提升阅读的了解。一般来说,初学者在朗读课文时,读出来的和课本印的常会有偏差。从这个偏差的导向,我们可以推测他们在阅读时所引用的线索。分析这些线索可以帮助我们了解阅读障碍儿童是在阅读的那一个阶段产生问题,从而课求补助的方法。在本文里,我们没有采用一般的用语"阅读错误"而用"线索导向"是为了避免"阅读错误"这个词本身所含的负面意义。严格说来,这些不同的线索在性质上并不相等,不能把它统统归于"阅读错误",他们各自代表着不同的意义:如字义上的替换--把"愉快"念成"高兴",在质上并不等于字形上的替换如把"自"看成"白",因而把"自己"念成"白天"。 本实验用了十六个台北小学三,四年级的阅读障碍儿童为实验组十六个同年级的正常儿童为控制组。他们的朗读线索导向分析显示两组都采用各种不同的语言上的线索,支持了阅读策略普遍性的说法。即任何书写文字,他的读者都会使用语言上的线索来帮助阅读使尽快达到意义的层面。本实验同时观察到初学者在阅读中文时常有"字对字的替换",从而引起意义的改变而扰乱阅读的进行。这种情形最常发生在字形相似的字中,而比较少字义或字音的替换。初学者面临的另一个难题为断词。因为中文每个字之间的间隔是一样的,因此双字词或三字词的断词对初学者是很难的。这种因为断词的不对而引起的阅读线索的错误归纳在阅读障碍儿童中最常发生。可能是因为口语词汇不足,使得他们无法利用前一个字的音来推测下一个字。

Abstract 摘要
Language contact between the Han and non-Han languages of China has often been assumed to be unidirectional (i.e., Han—> non-Han) and limited generally to lexical items, while morphosyntactic interference is believed to be moderate and comparatively recent. However, in the northwestern Chinese dialect of ‘,huh , it will be shown below that in fact the opposite is true: the Linxla dialect consistently retains certain native phonological and lexical features, while undergoing heavy interference in syntax. In this paper three examples illustrating the nature and extent of contact-induced change in the LinxIa dialect are examined. In Section 1 the morphemes for ‘small, little’ of the region’s languages are compared as an illustration of extensive lexicosemantic diffusion resulting in areal convergence. In Section 2 it is concluded that the co-existing markers of the comitative/instrumental in Unxla represent two different types of borrowing: one, a calque on a compound numeral of the Mongolic languages of the region, and the other an outright loan from Mongolic of the Proto-Altaic comitative suffix *-lu. Finally, as an example of significant syntactic and phonological reanalysis, in Section 3 the Linxia postpositional conditional marker is examined. We conclude that this is the result of the combination of certain social and linguistic factors, and that social factors, such as political dominance, may well be the primary determinants of change2. These data provide evidence to support a reanalysis of certain universals of language contact.

汉语与非汉语接触常被推认为是单方向的(汉语->非汉语)接触。并且尽限于词汇,而不太影响到语法。然而笔者发现在中西北部的临夏方言中,一直保持着一种带有本地特点的语音与词汇。但同时在语法方面,该方言又受到很强的阿尔泰语言的影响。 本文采用了三个例子来阐明语言交往及其变化的性质与范围。文章的第一部分里主要考证临夏地区诸语言中表示"小"这个词意的词素。第二部分重点论证临夏方言中存在着「共一具格」的两种不同的借用法。第一种借用法是籨蒙古语言系中借用并译成的复合数字。第二种借用法是将原始阿尔泰语的「共格」后缀*-lu从蒙古语系中直接用过去。第三部分侧重论述临夏方言中的后置条件符号。 全文述了语言与社会因素交叉与变化的结果。社会因素中的政治统治通常是语言变化的主要根源。这一研究数据为世界范围内语言交往规律的再分析提供一些依据。

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Currigenda 斟误

Volume 20, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
The concept of competing sound changes overlapping in time lies at the heart of lexical diffusion. However, empirical evidence reported to date instantiate, for the most part, only cases of single aborted sound changes. The predicted phenomenon of temporally intersecting phonological pro-cesses has remained elusive. Against this backdrop, this paper documents several cases of residues resulting not merely from aborted sound changes but from the overlapping chain shifts and partial feeding/bleeding relations holding among diachronic processes.

词汇扩散的假设是基于多项语音变化同时发生或者在时间上产生交错的现象,但是所见的文献大体上仅仅能说明单独语音变化的中途"流产"而不足以证明词汇扩散是两个年代冲突的变化所造成,本文提供一些有关历史数据,并略为讨论"连锁"变化的概念。

 

 

Abstract 摘要
An attempt is made to provide a universal basis for cross-linguistic identification of parts of speech in terms of implicational universals and prototypes. Some classes of Mandarin Chinese words whose assignment to particular parts of speech is controversial are reexamined in light of the proposed universals. The following conclusions are reached: (i) auxiliary verbs are Vs; (ii) most of the so-called `coverbs’ are Ps, but some are Vs; (iii) `localizers’ such as shang I xia / Ii and words such as yrqidn, yrisbis are Ns, not Ps; (iv) the various words that have from time to time been classed as As are Vs and do not even make up a subclass of Vs that can be charac-terized in syntactic terms.

本文尝试在包含性的范畴内提出一个鉴别词类的通用的基础,本文对一些词类属性有争议的词在本文提出的鉴别词类的通用的基础之上进行了研究,得出的结论是:(一)助动词是Vs;(二)所谓”Coverb”的大多数是Ps,但是有一些是Vs;(三)诸如[上/下/里]这些方位词和[以前/以后]一类词是Ns,不是Ps;(四)一些经常划为As的词实际上是Vs,它们甚至不构成Vs中具有特定句法特性的一个次词类。

 

 

Abstract 摘要
This paper offers a non-movement account of Mandarin Chinese Unbounded Dependencies, including topicalization and relativization. The theory of Functional Uncertainty (Zaenen and Kaplan 1989) in Lexical-functional Grammar is adopted. It is shown that various predictions of movements accounts, such as island constraints, are not borne out in Mandarin. In contrast, the seemingly problematic contrasts between Mandarin and languages observing island constraint can be straight-forwardly accounted for with our functional uncertainty analysis. We also observe that dependencies involving Mandarin object controllers are not allowed, contrary to the prediction of multiple path resolutions in the theory of functional uncertainty. We argue that this is due to a language specific parameter requiring that a dependency ends in a unique function. Formal revisions of theoretical definitions are proposed to account for this parameter as well to reconcile the potential conflict between the functional uniqueness condition and the theory of functional uncertainty.

本文就汉语主题句及关系子句提出不涉移位的分析,这个分析所采用的理论基础是Zaenen and Kaplan (1989)在词汇功能语法(LFG)下提出的"功能待定理论"(Functional Uncertainty)。文中首先指出移位分析往往无法正确分析汉语语料,例如"孤岛限制"在汉语中有不少难预测的例外。本文的分析不但正确预测这些语料,并为不同语言间的变异提供了可行的描述。
本文并且观察到汉语的一个特异结构,即递系句的宾语一定要在标准(Canonical)位置出现,在"功能待定理论"下,本文提出对"功能独性"(Functional Uniqueness)这个基本定义之修正,解决"功能待定"及"功能独特"在形式规范上之可能冲突,并藉以解释汉语及其他语言之对比。

Abstract 摘要
Proceeding inductively from observations of natural language recorded onto audio tape, this paper compares the range of meanings and frequen-cies of usage in Peking and Taipei Mandarin for eight markers of modality. These markers are xiing, yew, dei, bie, hut, neng, keyi and xing. Among the discoveries made is the fact that Taipei speakers are much more likely to employ specific lexical items, e.g., ydo and hut, to indicate ‘desire’ than are Peking speakers. For Peking speakers, the existence of ‘desire’ is inferred, and hence sufficiently salient in most cases to suppress an inclination to be lexically explicit. Likewise, the semantic range of both ydo and hut incor-porate many more senses in Taipei Mandarin than in Peking Mandarin. For example, in Taipei, yao clearly contains both a sense of ‘must’ and ‘prohi-bition.’ In Peking it is also possible to use yew) in this way, though ‘must’ and ‘prohibition’ are usually expressed instead by dbii and bie respectively. Additionally, in the expression of ‘ability,’ Taipei speakers show a strong tendency to select hut, while Peking speakers show an even stronger ten-dency to utilize ?zing. Finally, in the expression of the Chinese equivalent of `OK,’ Taipei speakers clearly prefer keyi, while Peking speakers usually select xing.

本文采用归纳法通过对自然录音语料的分析,对北京话和台北国语中的八个情态词语的语义范围及其使用频率加以比较。这些情态词语包括[想]、[要]、[得]、[别]、[会]、[能]、[可以]和[行]。我们发现讲台北国语的人比讲北京话的人更倾向于使用[要]和[会]来表示意愿,而北京人则更倾向于把意愿的意思隐含在句中而不是用情态词语直接表达出来。同时,在台北国语中,[要]和[会]所涵概的语义范围要比北京话宽得多,例如,在台北国语中要明显地包括[必须]和[禁止]的意义。这种情况在北京话中虽然也存在,但这两种意思一是由[得]和[别]来分别表示的。此外,在表示能力的时候,台北国语较倾向于用[会],北京话则更倾向于用[能]。当表达相当于英文"OK"的意思时,台北国语明显的倾向用[可以],而北京语则通常用[行]。

 

 

Abstract 摘要
We have studied the pattern of similarities among Chinese dialects, analysing lexical and phonological information using two different tree methods (average linkage and neighbor-joining). Agreement between the two methods was better when lexical, or lexical plus phonological data were used. This implies that lexical changes occur at a more regular rate than phonological changes. The pattern of linguistic similarity was compared with the genetic one, as exemplified by the study of surnames in a recent monograph (Du et al. in press). Surname distances are highly correlated with genetic distances, and, like them, reflect migrational history. We found a statistically signifi-cant correlation between linguistic distance and surname distance. Both languages and surnames are less correlated with geography or with history, namely chronological information of the major episodes of conquest and settlement in China during the last 3000 years. The observed congruence of genetic and linguistic evolution is a con-sequence of the similarity of their mechanisms of transmission. Under certain conditions languages are transmitted vertically (from parents to children), as are genes or surnames. Other mechanisms (horizontal or oblique) may also be involved in the case of languages and, to a lesser ex-tent, of surnames; these mechanisms would tend to obscure the correlation.

我们采用两种不同的树状聚类方法(平均连接法和相邻连接法),通过分析词汇好和音韵的数据,对中国不同方言区的相似性图型进行研究,用词汇数据或用词汇加音韵的复合数据,两种方法得出的结果相当的一致,研究说明词汇演变比音韵演变更有规律。 本文还对语言相似性图型与遗传相似性图型进行了比较,正如最新一期单行本上刊登的姓氏研究一文一样杜若甫等,正在排印中1)。姓氏距离与遗传距离具有很高的相关,像遗传学的研究一样,姓氏的研究反映了人群迁移的历史。本文发现了语言距离与姓氏距离在统计学上具有显著的相关,但语言、姓氏与地理或历史(即在3000年中,中国历史上几次大的外族入侵和移民)之间都是低相关。 上述遗传进化与语言进化一致性是遗传传递方或和语言传递方式相似的结果,在某些条件下,语言传递方式同基因或姓氏一样,是垂直传的(双亲传给子女),语言的传递还包括另外不同的方式(平行传递和倾斜传递),姓氏的传递也有这类方式,但程度要小,这类传递方式可能会模糊这种相关性。

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