Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.21 – 1993

Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol. 21 (1993) 中国语言学报 21 卷 (1993)

Volume 21, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Evidence is presented in support of a genetic relationship between Old Chinese and Reconstructed Austronesian: the phonological evidence links Chinese monosyllables with the final syllable of Austronesian words, and includes a set of patterned sound correspondences explaining in particular the origin of tone and stop manner contrasts in Old Chinese; the Old Chinese medials, -j- and -r-, are interpreted as infixes, corresponding to the Austronesian infixes -in- and -ar- respectively; a list of 222 lexical comparisons, including at least 17 items from the Swadesh 200-word list, as well as names of bodyparts, function words, etc. is given in section 4.

本文提出汉语,南岛语之间存在着亲属关系的证据。语音方面,汉语的单音节词与南岛语多音节词的最后一个音节相应,汉语的声调与某些南岛语的辅音韵尾相应,而汉语中清塞音,送气清塞音,浊塞音的对立相当于南岛语中的清塞音,鼻冠清塞音,浊塞音的对立。作者认为上古汉语的介音-j-与-r-是中缀,其作用跟南岛语中缀-in-, -ar-相近。词汇方面,本文列出222项关系词,其中属于M. Swadesh的200项基本词至少有17项,此外还有人体名词,虚词等等。

Abstract 摘要
This paper examines the interaction of the semantic contributions of (1) the aspect markers -guo and -le, (2) the negative adverbs bù and méi, and (3) two classes of verbs. The proposed analysis systematically accounts for the temporal orientation of the members of several classes of sentences in terms of the aspectual contributions made by the two aspect markers, negative adverbs, verbs, and various syntactically derived combinations of these three sets of lexically determined contributions. In the proposed analysis several well-known restrictions and constraints on the co-occurrence of negative adverbs and aspectual markers follow directly and in a predictable and consistent way from the strictly compositional derivationally determined interactions of the semantic contributions of the forms in question.

本文探讨(1)动词体表示词“过”和“了”,(2)否定副词“不”和“没”与两类不同动词合用时所产生的不同的语义作用。本文试图从动词体方面系统地分析几类不同句型所表示的时间关系。句子的体是由“过”和“了”、否定副词、动词这三组词及其相互的结合关系所体现的。本文分析了否定副词和体表示词组合用时出现的几项为人熟知的限制。这些限制的出现具有可预测性和连贯性。这是因为本文所论及的这些词的不同组合而形成的。

Abstract 摘要
This paper addresses ziji, the notorious long-distance reflexive in Chinese, which, unlike the English reflexives, can take an antecedent infinitely far away. It argues that theories concerned with its anaphoric properties should be formed and evaluated on the basis of the following two observations. First, no barriers whatsoever in the usual sense can block the anaphoric relation. Secondly, the subjects of any clauses containing the reflexive are its potential binders and there are no strict grammatical constraints imposed on the choice among them. The paper discusses the abstract movement hypothesis made in some recent works on Chinese reflexivization as well as the Minimal Distance effect, the Maximal Clause effect and the so called Blocking effect, observed and dealt with in those works. The conclusion is that ziji is truly a long-distance anaphor, exempt from syntactic locality restrictions.

本文探讨汉语中人所尽知的长距离反身代词“自己”。它与英语反身代词不同处在于它离先行词无限远。本文指出,提出和评价研究“自己”前指性质的理论应以以下两项事实为依据。一是通常所谓的语障一概不阻碍其前指关系。二是包含反身代词的各级句子的主语均有可能约束。具体选用哪一级主语并无严格的语法条件限制。论文接着讨论了当前某些论述汉语反身化现象的著作中提出的抽象移位说,以及这些著作中提出来处理的最短距离效应,最大句子效应,阻塞效应等等。结论是:“自己”是个不折不扣的长距离照应语, 并不受句法区域性条件限制。

Abstract 摘要
Differential sensitivity for frequency was compared between six native speakers of a tone language, Mandarin Chinese, and six native speakers of a nontone language, English. Subjects judged whether variable tones, at increments within the frequency range of a level tone-phoneme category, sounded the same or different in pitch than standard tones at 1000 Hz and 125 Hz (the latter frequency approximating a spoken fundamental–the putative harmonic for cuing phonemes). Mandarin speakers’ difference limens for frequency (DLFs) were significantly larger than English speakers’ DLFs at both frequencies. Most English speakers also showed traditional, ogival, psychometric functions at one or both frequencies. Conversely, psychometric functions of nearly all Mandarin speakers at both frequencies were poorly-shaped ogives that often hovered near a chance response level. Mandarin speakers may have had poorer differential sensitivity because they had learned to categorize sounds of similar frequency together to enhance their perception of tone phonemes.

我们比较了第一语言不同者对声音频率的分辨能力。被测者分为两组,每组六人,第一组的第一语言为汉语的北京话(汉语组)。另一组的第一语言为英语(英语组)。被测者首先听到其频率在同一音素范围绞内变化的音。然后,他们必须指出着这些音是否与两个频率分别为1000Hz 的音具有相同的频率 (125Hz是 该音素的主二次谐波频率)。实验结果表明汉语组对频率的分辨率的分辩阈值比英语组要大得多(对两个不同频率)。此外,绝大多数英语组的被测者的心理测量函数在一个或两个频率上表现出典型的拱尖形,而汉语组则明显缺少这一特性。汉语组成员对频率较差的分辨本领可能来源于他们习惯于把频率相近的音归于一类以助于他们对音调的识别。

 

 

Review 书评

Announcement 消息

Report 报告

Memoriam 缅怀

New Publication 新书

Volume 21, No 2

Articles 文章

Abstract 摘要
Both documented and ongoing evidence in Pekinese, the Southern Min dialects and the Yue dialects of Chinese were presented as examples for language contact as a major actuation factor of syntactic change and for lexical diffusion as a major type of syntactic change. The emergence of the V-neg-V(P) question form in these dialects since as early as the mid 16th century (S. Min), late 19th century (Yue) or early 20th century (Pekinese) follows the route of first appearing with high-frequency verbs such as the copula, and/or the existential/possessive verb, then gradually spreading to the optative verbs, and finally to other types of verbs. While the exit of the old form may follow different routes, a revised two-dimensional view of ‘competing change’ can easily account for the differences.

本文以北京话,闽南话及粤语为例,说明语言接触是语法演变的一大因素,词汇扩散又是语法变迁的重要方式。V-不-V(P)型问句早在十六世纪已潜入闽南话,十九世纪兴起于粤语及北京话,都是与官话接触的结果。渗透过程,循着一定的途径:首先出现于动词是最常用词–系词、动词“有” –的句子,次及能愿动词,后及他类动词。旧句型先从动词是最常用词的句式退出,路线跟新句型的渗入相同;但有些方言–例如北京话–旧句型最后残留于动词是最常用的句式,路线跟新句型的渗入相反。因此,词汇的常用与非常用在语法演变中起决定的作用;而语法演变不一定是单轨的新旧句型的逐步取代,换句话说,新句型侵入的同时,旧句型不一定立刻被淘汰。新旧句型的生存竞争,各循独立途径,必须以双轨方式解释,才能阐明其所以然。

Abstract 摘要
This paper furnishes dialectal materials to substantiate the thesis of bidirectional diffusion in sound change put forward in Wang and Lien (1993). The proposed mechanism of sound change is confirmed by the finding of other independent studies. It also gives more documentary evidence of the historical development of ZSBQ and discusses the typological patterns of its modern development as well as the interaction of northern and southern tone systems in a single dialect. Lastly, in the light of previous studies I provide evidence to show the link between sound change and lexicon. This perspective has theoretical implications for the study of the phonological history of grammatical particles.

王-连(1993)提出语音变化的双向扩散的论点。那篇文章限于篇幅,未能罗列资料,上在补上,以资佐证。作者趁此机会补充讨论汉语史和现代方言中浊上变去的发展类型和各种变化的阶段,主要是从历时和共时的观点,论证浊成变去的音变是透过词汇扩充完成的。我们以双向扩散模式解释方言中文白语音层次的交互影响,这和最近的研究发现不谋而合,北方方言浊上归去,而南方方言则浊上浊去分立;南北型并存的(如潮州)方言中优势的北方型正促成的南方型浊上浊去的合流。另外本文也指出语音的演变并不单是音类的转换,音变与语词的是否常用息息相关;虚词和实词音变的速度也不一样。这些现象和词汇扩散论的立论是相符的。

Abstract 摘要
It is generally believed that declarative sentences in Classical Chinese (CC) contained no copula, and that the copula shi 是 developed from a Demonstrative pronominal form (D-pro, for short) in such sentences only after the Zhanguo period (475-221 B.C.). To date, the development of the copular shi from the D-pro shi has not been adequately explained. In this paper it is argued that the overt phonological form of a pause in the surface syntax, i.e. between the topic and the comment, did indeed exist in early Classical Chinese declarative sentences, and that the D-pro shi evolved into the copular shi because of the weakening of the function of the D-pro shi and the lack of necessity for the pause. Consequently the pronoun was grammaticalized as a copula and the pause disappeared. It is also argued that a crucial syntactic environment–the triggering experience that the person hears and which permits the growth of the relevant grammar–was necessary for the development of shi, and that adverbs preceding shi in this syntactical environment were partially responsible for the development of copular shi as well.

在古汉语史研究中,一般认为上古汉语没有系词。系词“是”是战国末期从指示代词“是”发展出来的。但是指示代词“是”是如何转变为系词“是”的问题,至今尚未得到满意的解释。本文根据《诗经》,《孟子》,《论衡》,《世说》等诸方面材料,提出构成上古汉语的判断句,其主谓之间必有一固定的语音停顿。根据这一分析,“是”的来源及其发展可以得到较为理想的解释:在日趋增多的新型判断句中,([S1, S2,…是pred])主语位置上“是”的指代功能不断弱化。“是”的弱化,导致了主谓之间“停顿”形式的逐渐消失。最后,愈来愈多的副词先后出现在弱化了的“是”之前,“停顿”终于让位给了“是”。“是”由此而变为系词。文章最后指出,句法位置是研究和解释古汉语语法的关键。

Abstract 摘要
The ‘give’ and ‘to’ meanings of Mandarin gěi 给 are considered within the framework of Cognitive Grammar, as developed by Langacker. The two meanings are represented in a way which expresses their relatedness, in particular the fact that the ‘to’ sense in Mandarin subsumes a schematic kind of ‘give’ as part of its meaning, which is not the case with English to. The analysis is grounded as far as possible in principles which play a fundamental role in cognition rather than principles which are unique to linguistic theory, in accordance with the Cognitive Grammar framework.

“本文运用Langacker 的认知语法框架,考察普通话“给”字的两个相当于英语 give 和 to 的词义。 本文显示了 该两词义的关联, 并着重指出其 中相当于 to 的语义带有 give 的一般意思,这点与英语词to 不同,根据认知语法的框架,本文的研究尽可能立论于在认知中起基本作用的原则,而不是语言学理论特有的原则。”

Review Article 书评文章

Share on facebook
Facebook
Share on google
Google+
Share on twitter
Twitter
zh_CNZH-CN