Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol. 21 (1993) 中国语言学报 21 卷 (1993)
Volume 21, No 1
Evidence is presented in support of a genetic relationship between Old Chinese and Reconstructed Austronesian: the phonological evidence links Chinese monosyllables with the final syllable of Austronesian words, and includes a set of patterned sound correspondences explaining in particular the origin of tone and stop manner contrasts in Old Chinese; the Old Chinese medials, -j- and -r-, are interpreted as infixes, corresponding to the Austronesian infixes -in- and -ar- respectively; a list of 222 lexical comparisons, including at least 17 items from the Swadesh 200-word list, as well as names of bodyparts, function words, etc. is given in section 4.
本文提出汉语，南岛语之间存在着亲属关系的证据。语音方面，汉语的单音节词与南岛语多音节词的最后一个音节相应，汉语的声调与某些南岛语的辅音韵尾相应，而汉语中清塞音，送气清塞音，浊塞音的对立相当于南岛语中的清塞音，鼻冠清塞音，浊塞音的对立。作者认为上古汉语的介音-j-与-r-是中缀，其作用跟南岛语中缀-in-, -ar-相近。词汇方面，本文列出222项关系词，其中属于M. Swadesh的200项基本词至少有17项，此外还有人体名词，虚词等等。
This paper examines the interaction of the semantic contributions of (1) the aspect markers -guo and -le, (2) the negative adverbs bù and méi, and (3) two classes of verbs. The proposed analysis systematically accounts for the temporal orientation of the members of several classes of sentences in terms of the aspectual contributions made by the two aspect markers, negative adverbs, verbs, and various syntactically derived combinations of these three sets of lexically determined contributions. In the proposed analysis several well-known restrictions and constraints on the co-occurrence of negative adverbs and aspectual markers follow directly and in a predictable and consistent way from the strictly compositional derivationally determined interactions of the semantic contributions of the forms in question.
This paper addresses ziji, the notorious long-distance reflexive in Chinese, which, unlike the English reflexives, can take an antecedent infinitely far away. It argues that theories concerned with its anaphoric properties should be formed and evaluated on the basis of the following two observations. First, no barriers whatsoever in the usual sense can block the anaphoric relation. Secondly, the subjects of any clauses containing the reflexive are its potential binders and there are no strict grammatical constraints imposed on the choice among them. The paper discusses the abstract movement hypothesis made in some recent works on Chinese reflexivization as well as the Minimal Distance effect, the Maximal Clause effect and the so called Blocking effect, observed and dealt with in those works. The conclusion is that ziji is truly a long-distance anaphor, exempt from syntactic locality restrictions.
James R. Stagray; David Downs
Differential sensitivity for frequency was compared between six native speakers of a tone language, Mandarin Chinese, and six native speakers of a nontone language, English. Subjects judged whether variable tones, at increments within the frequency range of a level tone-phoneme category, sounded the same or different in pitch than standard tones at 1000 Hz and 125 Hz (the latter frequency approximating a spoken fundamental–the putative harmonic for cuing phonemes). Mandarin speakers’ difference limens for frequency (DLFs) were significantly larger than English speakers’ DLFs at both frequencies. Most English speakers also showed traditional, ogival, psychometric functions at one or both frequencies. Conversely, psychometric functions of nearly all Mandarin speakers at both frequencies were poorly-shaped ogives that often hovered near a chance response level. Mandarin speakers may have had poorer differential sensitivity because they had learned to categorize sounds of similar frequency together to enhance their perception of tone phonemes.
我们比较了第一语言不同者对声音频率的分辨能力。被测者分为两组，每组六人，第一组的第一语言为汉语的北京话（汉语组）。另一组的第一语言为英语（英语组）。被测者首先听到其频率在同一音素范围绞内变化的音。然后，他们必须指出着这些音是否与两个频率分别为1000Hz 的音具有相同的频率 （125Hz是 该音素的主二次谐波频率）。实验结果表明汉语组对频率的分辨率的分辩阈值比英语组要大得多（对两个不同频率）。此外，绝大多数英语组的被测者的心理测量函数在一个或两个频率上表现出典型的拱尖形，而汉语组则明显缺少这一特性。汉语组成员对频率较差的分辨本领可能来源于他们习惯于把频率相近的音归于一类以助于他们对音调的识别。
书评：中国南北方姓氏与基因区别. 杜若甫, 袁亦达, Juliana Hwang, Joanna Mountain, L. Luca Cavalli-Sforza 著. 中国语言学报专著 5, 1993. 93 页
Feng Shi 石锋
New Publication 新书
Volume 21, No 2
Anne Yue-Hashimoto 余霭芹
Both documented and ongoing evidence in Pekinese, the Southern Min dialects and the Yue dialects of Chinese were presented as examples for language contact as a major actuation factor of syntactic change and for lexical diffusion as a major type of syntactic change. The emergence of the V-neg-V(P) question form in these dialects since as early as the mid 16th century (S. Min), late 19th century (Yue) or early 20th century (Pekinese) follows the route of first appearing with high-frequency verbs such as the copula, and/or the existential/possessive verb, then gradually spreading to the optative verbs, and finally to other types of verbs. While the exit of the old form may follow different routes, a revised two-dimensional view of ‘competing change’ can easily account for the differences.
This paper furnishes dialectal materials to substantiate the thesis of bidirectional diffusion in sound change put forward in Wang and Lien (1993). The proposed mechanism of sound change is confirmed by the finding of other independent studies. It also gives more documentary evidence of the historical development of ZSBQ and discusses the typological patterns of its modern development as well as the interaction of northern and southern tone systems in a single dialect. Lastly, in the light of previous studies I provide evidence to show the link between sound change and lexicon. This perspective has theoretical implications for the study of the phonological history of grammatical particles.
It is generally believed that declarative sentences in Classical Chinese (CC) contained no copula, and that the copula shi 是 developed from a Demonstrative pronominal form (D-pro, for short) in such sentences only after the Zhanguo period (475-221 B.C.). To date, the development of the copular shi from the D-pro shi has not been adequately explained. In this paper it is argued that the overt phonological form of a pause in the surface syntax, i.e. between the topic and the comment, did indeed exist in early Classical Chinese declarative sentences, and that the D-pro shi evolved into the copular shi because of the weakening of the function of the D-pro shi and the lack of necessity for the pause. Consequently the pronoun was grammaticalized as a copula and the pause disappeared. It is also argued that a crucial syntactic environment–the triggering experience that the person hears and which permits the growth of the relevant grammar–was necessary for the development of shi, and that adverbs preceding shi in this syntactical environment were partially responsible for the development of copular shi as well.
The ‘give’ and ‘to’ meanings of Mandarin gěi 给 are considered within the framework of Cognitive Grammar, as developed by Langacker. The two meanings are represented in a way which expresses their relatedness, in particular the fact that the ‘to’ sense in Mandarin subsumes a schematic kind of ‘give’ as part of its meaning, which is not the case with English to. The analysis is grounded as far as possible in principles which play a fundamental role in cognition rather than principles which are unique to linguistic theory, in accordance with the Cognitive Grammar framework.