Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.36 – 2008

Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.36 (2008) 中国语言学报 36 卷 (2008)

Volume 36, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
The neutral tone in Beijing Mandarin referred to by linguists in China as the fifth tone in addition to the four citation tones is analyzed for its prosodic characteristics, including F0 (fundamental frequency) or pitch, intensity and duration. The results of the analysis show that the F0 contour of the neutral tone on the non-initial component syllable of a bisyllabic or trisyllabic word is a variable which may be characterized as high falling, mid falling, low falling or mid level, determined chiefly by the preceding citation tone. The intensity curve of the neutral tone co-varies with the corresponding F0 contour, suggesting that the intensity of the neutral tone is not necessarily lower than that of the preceding or following citation tone. As for duration, the neutral tone in the large majority of cases is shorter than the preceding or following citation tone. The results of the analysis are compared with the impressionistic descriptions of the phonetic characteristics of the neutral tone in the earlier studies, and they are discussed in the context of the perceptual data relating to the neutral tone and the concepts of tonal neutralization and qingsheng 轻声.

本文分析北京话中被语言学家视为在四声以外的第五声即轻声的韵律特征, 包括基频(音高), 音强及时长。分析结果显示, 在二字组或三字组的非第一音节上轻声的基频曲线是一个变数, 主要是由轻声前的声调来决定。这些基频曲线可描述为‘高降’, ‘中降’, ‘低降’或‘中平’。轻声的音强与音高作协调变化, 显示出轻声的音强并不一定比前面或后面声调的音强为低。时长方面, 在绝大多数情况下轻声都比前面或后面的声调为短。本文的分析结果跟过去研究对轻声语音特色的描述作了比较, 也跟过去与轻声有关的感知资料, 声调中和化及轻声的概念作了讨论。

 

Keywords 关键词

The neutral tone 轻声 F0 contour 基频曲线 Intensity 音强 Duration 时长

Abstract 摘要
The main purpose of this article is to determine the syntactic nature of the particle suo in passive constructions in Classical Chinese. We argue that this particle is licensed in a similar, though not identical, fashion in Classical relatives and passives. More specifically, it is licensed in an A’-configuration provided by these two constructions and undergoes overt N0 to I0 movement. Crucially, however, suo does not undergo further I0 to C0 movement at LF in Classical passives and thus contrasts with its counterpart in Classical relatives, which, as claimed by Ting (2005), exhibits such an operation. Under this analysis, the particle suo in Classical relatives bears a [+wh] feature whereas its counterpart in Classical passives bears a [-wh] feature and is bound by a null operator. The former is thus an operator whereas the latter is a variable. The implications of this analysis that emerge for the ‘short’ passives in Classical Chinese and for the ‘linker’ between a relative clause and its head noun in Classical and Contemporary Chinese are also discussed. The result of this investigation is shown to resolve the long-lasting controversy over the status of suo in relatives and passives in Classical Chinese and furthermore to provide an example of applying new theoretical tools to the study of Classical Chinese grammar.

 

Keywords 关键词

Classical Chinese 古汉语 Particle suo 所字 Clitic 弱代词 Passive construction 被动句 Head movement核心语移动

Abstract 摘要
This paper re-examines the so-called dual nature of the mid level tone in Xiamen (Bao 1999). Based on tone distribution in (a) rhyming syllables in folk opera, (b) Mainstream Taiwanese naming, (c) adjective triplication, and (d) ABB adjectives, it is concluded that the tone in question is consistently low-registered in both underlying and derived environments. Moreover, in addition to listing six register possibilities the mid level tone allows, this paper also lays out Fuzhou tonal phenomena which pose a challenge to Bao’s theory.

本文藉由歌仔册韵脚用调、台湾话优势音命名、形容词三迭、以及ABB形容词重新审视厦门话中平调的调域。发现该声调不管在底层或是衍生的环境,表现都归属低调域,未若Bao (1999)宣称具有双重特质。此外,本文除了胪列Bao可以容纳的六种中平调调域归属,也将一并介绍福州方言对理论形成的挑战。

Keywords 关键词

Xiamen dialect 厦门话 Mid-level tone 中平调 Register 调域 Folk opera 歌仔册 Mainstream Taiwanese 台湾话优势音 Naming 命名 Adjective triplication 形容词三叠 ABB adjectives ABB形容词

Abstract 摘要
Allan’s (1977) paper on classifiers has been widely cited since its publication and has been a work of reference for researchers on classifiers since then. His main argument was that, independently from the number of measure words a language had, seven classification categories common to all classifying languages could be identified. Namely, material, shape, consistency, size, location, arrangement and quanta. However, nobody has implemented his findings systematically to any particular language. Following his catalogue of seven universal categories and their subcategories, in this paper we attempt to conduct a descriptive study to identify which of Allan’s universal classifying categories are actually relevant to the Chinese classifying system. In doing so, we will also review the main contributions made by other authors to the subject.

爱伦(Allan)于1977年发表的关于量词的文章成为各地学者研究量词经常参考的文献。该内容主要提出的是分类语言无论具有多少量词,都包含七种共同的大范畴,即:材料、形状、密度、大小、位置与数量。根据笔者所知,至今还没有人将爱伦的研究有系统地应用在任何语言上。按照爱伦的七种主要宇宙范畴以及其附属范畴,笔者在本文将采用其结论是否适用于中文分类系统进行解析研究;同时也将探讨其它学者对此议题的有关见解。

Keywords 关键词

Chinese classifiers 中文量词 Measure words 量词 Cognitive categories 认知范畴 Universal categories 宇宙范畴

Abstract 摘要
In this article, the syntactic and the semantic constraints on the employment of the negative wei 未 in Han period Chinese are at issue and it will be assumed that the interpretation of the negative wei 未 is closely connected to the situation type of the verb it modifies. The negative wei 未 in Classical and Han period Chinese belongs morphologically to the category of modal negatives. Regarding its semantics it has been assumed that the negative wei 未 appears in complimentary distribution with the aspecto-temporal adverb ji 既 (and with yi 已) and that the two adverbs display the same dichotomy as the aspectual suffix -le 了 and the negative meiyou 没有 in modern Mandarin. Based on this assumption the article demonstrates that in fact the negative wei 未 predominantly selects an event as its complement just as has been shown for the negative meiyou 没有 in Modern Mandarin, though it is less restricted in its employment than meiyou 没有 in Modern Mandarin. But wei 未 can also select an atelic complement, which then frequently changes its situation type from atelic to telic. Additionally, in combination with state verbs and with modal auxiliaries it can also attain a modal reading indicating the epistemic modal value of Inferred Certainty (assertion) and thus displaying its relation with the other modal negatives.

本文想讨论否定词〈未〉的句法和语义。作者假定,否定词〈未〉的分析跟动词的体有密切的关系。〈未〉在形态学里属于情态否定词 (modal m/w negatives)。从语义的角度来讲,否定词〈未〉是和副词〈既〉处于互补关系的,而且这两个副词是和现代汉语动态词尾〈-了〉和否定词〈没有〉可以比较的。根据本文的分析,否定词〈未〉通常要求终止形动词充当其补足语,在这一点上它和现代汉语否定词〈没有〉具有相似性,但它的用法不象〈没有〉那么广泛.另外否定词〈未〉也可以修饰非终止形动词.这样非终止形动词的动态经常变化成为终止的动态。除此之外,当它修饰静态动词和情态助动词时,否定词〈未〉就会具有情态否定词的功能,表示确切语气并揭示其同别的情态否定词的联系。

Keywords 关键词

Han period Chinese 汉代汉语 Negation 否定词 Situation type 动词的体 Telic verbs 终止型动词 Atelic verbs 非终止型动词 Modality 情态型

Abstract 摘要
It has been traditionally accepted that there are nine tonal categories in Cantonese with primarily six tonal contours at present. However, there has been a tendency of the merging of the tonal categories C1 and B2 in Hong Kong Cantonese recently such as pronouncing the morpheme “试” meaning examination in tone B2 or pronouncing the morpheme “社” in tone C1. In fact, this phenomenon was first discussed in the book by Siew-Yue Killingley “A New Look at Cantonese Tones: Five or Six?” published in 1985. In addition, Flynn has also briefly mentioned this in the domain of Hong Kong Cantonese in her paper presented in the First International Conference in the Dialect Yue (第一届国际粤方言研讨会). In Killingley’s work, she constructed the following five-toneme system of Malayan Cantonese (Killingley 1985, 24) with three pieces of supporting evidences: (1) The number of meaningful free forms with pitch contrast of the same syllable; (2) The number of syllable tokens containing a LR tone with six tonal distinctions; (3) The unexplained confusion in tonal identification involving native speakers/listeners. In addition, she would also like to extend this study to Hong Kong and mainland Cantonese. However, the examples given by Killingley are not consistent with the situation in contemporary Hong Kong if in Malayan Cantonese. Rather, it would be more reasonable to say that there is a tendency for the merging and it is at the very beginning stage only in Hong Kong. In summary, some tokens change from 3(5) to 5(3) permanently; some can be pronounced as both and some undergone tonal splitting to represent different meanings. The main reasons behind the alternation are given here: 1. as a result from sentence intonation; 2. as a means to differentiate meaning; 3. as a result of ambiguity; and 4. as a result of phonetic difficulty and similarity. In this article, the arguments given by Killingley are reviewed and a survey about this recent change in Hong Kong Cantonese was conducted. Finally, the reasons behind this phenomenon are discussed in detail.

传统之粤语九声说广为学者所接纳;若不计声调之长短,当代之广州话共有六个调型。然而,于近年之香港粤语中,部份阳上及阴去的字之发音有相混之势,如把“试“读作阳上调及把“社”读作阴去调。诚然,Siew-Yue Killingley于一九八五年出版之“A New Look at Cantonese Tones: Five or Six?”已首先谈及此现象。此外,张赛洋亦于第一届国际粤方言研讨会中简述该变化于香港之情况。以下列出Killingley于该书中对马来亚之广州话建构了一个五调位系统,并提出三项凭据以支持她的观点: (一) 同音异调之单音词的数目; (二) 持六调对立之音节的数目;及 (三) 操母语人士难以解释之声调混淆。 此外,她亦想把该发现套用于香港及大陆之广州话。可是,Killingley给出之例子与当代香港之发音回异。因此,说香港话有开始相混之势较合理;简而言之,有些字音永久地从阴去调(阳上)读成阳上调(阴去);或存二读;或按意义分化成两调。以下列出此交错现象之主因: 一、 受语调之影响; 二、 作为辨义手段; 三、 受词义含糊影响;及 四、 语音相似性与发音难度。 本文评论Killingley提出之观点,调查此现象于香港话之现况、成因并展望未来之概况。

Keywords 关键词

Phonetics 语音学 Tonal merging 声调融合 Hong Kong Cantonese 香港粤语 The yue dialect 粤方言 Sound change 音变

Review 书评

Any scholar who attempts to clarify the relationship among the languages in the Sino-Tibetan (=ST) family inevitably encounters a critical question: how to distinguish loanwords from true cognates shared by different languages? It is well known in historical linguistics that only cognates can “convey the information relevant to establishing genetic relationships between languages” (p.1). Loanwords cannot. Unfortunately, as most words in Chinese are monosyllabic in nature with little morphological marking, traditional methods employed in Indo-European studies to identify loanwords (see Bynon 1977:274-275) are not sufficient to pick out borrowed terms from Chinese loanwords in other members of the ST family. As a result, there is a great demand to bring up for a new method that can effectively distinguish loanwords from cognates in monosyllabic languages such as Chinese and many other languages in Southeast Asia. Probably encouraged by a series of successes in reconstructing different language strata in various southern Chinese dialects, particularly Min and Wu (for examples, Yang 1982, H. Wang 1986 and Xu 1991), different proposals on the stratification of related words shared by Chinese and some of its neighboring languages have been put forward since the new millennium. Notable works include:

 Sagart & Xu (2001): on Chinese and Hani (ST);
 Huang (2002): on Chinese and Dong (Tai-Kadai);
 Q. Gong (2003): on Chinese and Thai (Tai-Kadai);
 Zeng (2004): on Chinese and Shui (Tai-Kadai);
 Lan (2005): on Chinese and Zhuang (Tai-Kadai);
 Nakanishi (2005): on Chinese and She (Hmong-Mien);
 F. Wang (2006): on Chinese and Bai (ST).

The monograph under review, F. Wang (2006), appears to be just one of the many proposals. But what makes it more striking than the others, in my opinion, is that the author does not simply follow the traditional practice of comparing the Sino-Bai related words in the framework of Middle Chinese (=MC) phonology. Rather, he initiates a brand-new, rigorous and systematic method — what he terms as the “Distillation Method” — to examine every related pair of words shared by the two languages. It turns out that the conclusion he arrives at is highly plausible and reliable.

 

 

Volume 36, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
The relation between sentence validity and complement duration in three kinds of “VR+NP” sentences were studied in this paper. The analyses revealed that the effect of prosody restrained syntax was obvious in Chinese. the sentences validity were restrained not only by the syllable number and syllable type of complement, but also by duration of complement. The durations of “VR+NP” were shortest, while their judgment scales were highest; the durations of “VRR+NP” were longest, while their judgment scales were lowest; because the duration of neutralized syllable was shorter than normal syllable, the judgment scales of “VRr+NP” were lower than “VR+NP” but higher than “VRR+NP”. The exception of results farther shows that the effect of complement duration on sentence validity of “VR+NP” was more important. If the complement duration reached or exceeded the duration of two normal syllables, the sentence validity would decrease, however, if the complement duration less than the duration of two normal syllables, the sentence validity would increase. In addition, the results of duration data also indicated that the neutralized word in Chinese developed continuously, moreover, the tendency of increase and decrease existed and effected together.

本文通过句子合法性评判实验和声学测量实验,考察了三类不同的动补带宾句的句子合法性程度与其补语时长间的关系。结果表明,汉语的韵律对句法存在明显的制约作用,在各类动补带宾句中,句子的合法性程度不仅要受到补语的音节数量的制约,而且还要受到补语时长的制约。双音节动补型的时长最短,其合法性程度最高;不含轻声的三音节动补型的时长最长,其合法性程度最低;含有轻声的三音节动补型,由于轻声音节在时长表现上比带正常重音的音节短,使得其合法性程度介于不含轻声的三音节动补型与双音节动补型之间。实验结果中的例外现象进一步说明,动补带宾句的合法性程度和补语时长间的关系更为密切,补语的时长如果达到或超过两个非轻声音节的长度,整个句子的合法性就会降低;补语的时长如果小于两个非轻声音节的长度,整个句子的合法性就会增加。另外,时长数据的统计结果还表明,汉语的轻声是不断发展变化的,轻声词衰减与增长的趋势同时存在,共同制约着汉语轻声的发展。

Keywords 关键词

Prosody 韵律 Syntax 句法 VR+NP 动补带宾 Duration 时长 Neutral Tone 轻声

Abstract 摘要
This paper provides a semantic-pragmatic analysis of the Mandarin nandao-interrogation. Instead of focusing on the truth-condition sense of its meaning, we explore the communicative intent motivating the use of this construction in contexts. The analysis of contextual cues allows us to recognize that the use of the nandao-interrogation serves to manifest the speaker’s emotion in discourse. The manifestation of emotion can be understood as spontaneous emotional communication on the one hand and as conscious emotive communication on the other. We postulate the meaning INCREDULITY for the nandao-interrogation and argue that the employment of this meaning is determined by the confrontational nature of the discourse. Our data-based analysis sheds new light on the subjective and intersubjective nature of the nandao-interrogation as a construction of emotionality. In the light of this study, traditional treatments of the construction based on logic and truth-condition must be judged inconsistent and inaccurate.

本文旨在从语义和语用的角度分析汉语普通话里的 “难道” 句。分析表明,“难道”句的语义与逻辑性和现实性关系不大,而是侧重于表达强烈的情感性。换言之,“难道” 句的语义既不同于一般的无疑而问以表达强烈确认,也不同于一般的揣测以求证实。“难道” 句的语义本质在于,说话人展示内心拒绝接受某一假设情境的强烈对抗性情感。与这一语义相应,这个句式常用于对抗性的语境。一方面,“难道” 句用来表达说话人对所面对的情境因难以置信而不由自主产生的对抗性情感; 另一方面,“难道” 句也可以用来激发听者对某一情境的强烈怀疑和对抗情绪。对于“难道” 句的情感性的揭示将有助于解决对外汉语教学中常面临的一个问题: 即如何把握该句式的使用。

Keywords 关键词

Emotionality 情感性 Incredulity 主观性 Context 语境

Abstract 摘要
This paper traces the origins of some Korean words that have so far been assumed to be “pure” Korean vocabulary. Rejecting the widely adopted etymologies, instead, we will show that these particular words, namely, nat ‘daytime,’ nal ‘day,’ and il ‘day/date’ are in fact modified forms of Ancient Chinese niet ‘sun’. That is, so-called “pure” Korean nat and nal, Sino-Korean il, and Chinese zi ‘day, sun’ are all derived from Ancient Chinese niet ‘sun,’ while hay ‘the sun’ is the only Korean counterpart of these words. In reconstructing these seemingly unrelated words, we will provide a new kind of supporting evidence for the fairly well established principle of /t/ -> /l/ in supporting our argument.

这篇论文主要阐述的是,对几个我们以前一直认为是纯韩国语单词的词源的推测. 研究以及从中总结出了这些单词均起源于汉语的结论。其中, 在这里想要分析的主要对象是, 韩国语中的 “nat, nal, il(日)” 这几个词。想要研究和证明的一点是, 我们一直认为是纯韩国语的 “nal, nat” , 和韩国语汉字词“il(日)”,全部都起源于古代汉语中的 “日” [niet] 这个词。在分析这些单词的演变过程中, 我发现, 在韩国语的汉字词的发音音节当中, 有一个很有规律性的演变, 那就是 /t/ -> /l/这样一个音节演变过程。那么接下来, 我将对这些词源的发展过程进行详细地说明并且加以论证。

Keywords 关键词

Sino-Korean 中韩 Archaic Chinese 上古汉语 Modern Chinese 现代汉语 Sound change 音变 /t/-/l/ sound change /t/到/l/的音变, /t/-Lateralization /t/的舌侧音化

Abstract 摘要
The present study takes a linguistic and cognitive approach to examine characteristics of Chinese guanyongyu compounds. It first analyzes the features of metaphorical imageries, language / cultural specificity, and time salience. It also investigates compounds in three linguistic domains: The relationship between rhythm patterns and grammatical forms, semantic properties, and pragmatic functions. The study demonstrates that both the prototype and metaphorical meanings of guanyongyu compounds bridge language and culture by providing vivid expressions that reveal cultural phenomena, social events, historical background, people’s conceptualization, and their attitude in that culture. Guanyongyu compounds are a special case where linguistic features and cultural perspectives are closely intertwined.

本文探索现代汉语惯用语中的语言文化特点。惯用语的语义与语用反映了中国的历史文化与价值观念, 离开了其文化背景则难以准确理解惯用语的含义。本文着重考察了惯用语的三个方面,1)语音节奏与结构形式的关系, 2)语义的借代,转喻, 隐喻, 及语义在反映概念的基础上所增添的社会文化语义,3)语用的褒贬特征,言语环境与文化背景。研究结果说明惯用语有着强烈的时代烙印与丰富的社会文化色彩;语音节奏与语法结构的关系说明了惯用语琅琅上口,易记易诵的原因;语义和语用在词汇本义的基础上加以文化语义上的引申,表达了人们的认知结构和对社会现象的认识。

Keywords 关键词

Chinese culture 中国文化 Chinese semantics 汉语语义 Compounds 复合词 Idiomatic expressions 俗语表达

Abstract 摘要
This article explores negation in Chinese on the basis of spoken and written corpora of Mandarin Chinese. The use of corpus data not only reveals central tendencies in language based on quantitative data, it also provides typical examples attested in authentic contexts. In this study we will first introduce the two major negators bu and mei (meiyou) and discuss their semantic and genre distinctions. Following this is an exploration of the interaction between negation and aspect marking. We will then move on to discuss the scope and focus of negation, transferred negation, and finally double negation and redundant negation.

本文在分析口语和书面语料的基础上探讨汉语中的否定。语料库不仅能反映出基于定量数据的语言中心趋势,而且还提供真实语境中的典型例证。文章首先讨论了汉语中的两种主要否定形式,“不”和“没(没有)”,及其在语义和语体等方面的差异,并在此基础上探讨了否定与体标记之间的相互作用、否定范围与否定焦点、转移否定,以及双重否定和冗余否定。

Keywords 关键词

Negation 否定 Mandarin Chinese 汉语 Aspect marking 体标记 Genre 语体 Corpora 语料库

Abstract 摘要
This paper addresses the question of whether intonation plays a linguistic role in Cantonese, a language known for its rich inventory of lexical tones and if so, what specific forms it may take and what functions it may serve. Applying a combination of auditory and instrumental analyses to several sets of sound recordings, it was found that it is possible to establish a system of intonation for Cantonese comprising two main components: utterance body intonation and utterance final intonation. The former is best described using gradual declination from a mid-high pitch to a low pitch as a baseline, with possible variation along the parameters of pitch height, range and slope. A higher onset was noticeable in interrogatives as opposed to declaratives, and in utterances with an ‘excited’ tone of voice as opposed to ones said in a ‘quiet’ tone. In addition to the general phenomenon of utterance declination one also finds phrase declination effects which have clear syntactic functions. As far as utterance final intonation is concerned, four patterns are recognised: ‘neutral’, falling, rising, and rising-falling. These help distinguish sentence-types (declarative, interrogative, imperative), and, through variations in pitch height, may convey gradient expressive implications.

本文在前人研究的基础上进一步探讨粤语的语调问题。字调丰富的粤语,其语调和字调的关系为何?当如何描写粤语语调的形式、如何理解粤语语调的功能?我们通过对几组录音的听觉和仪器分析,初步提出一个粤语语调系统。系统分两大部分:句干语调和句末语调。句子音高从较高水平逐渐回落到较低水平(即‘渐降’)可被视为句干语调的‘底线’。在这底线之上又可以根据音域的宽窄和下降的幅度而出现不同的变化。研究发现,与陈述句相比,疑问句句干语调的起点一般明显较高。除句子语调整体渐降之外,同时发现句子内部分句或词组中语调渐降的效果,清楚显示语调具有标示句法结构的功能。在句末语调子系统里可分辨出四种图形:中性、降、升、先升后降,用以标示不同种类的句子(陈述、疑问、祈使)。通过与句干语调的配合,也可表示程度不一的感性意义。

Keywords 关键词

Tone 字调 Intonation 语调 Cantonese 粤语 Syntactic functions 语法功能 Expressive implications 感性意义

Report 报告

The First Workshop on She Language and Language Competition was held in the Shun Hing Institute of Advanced Engineering at the Chinese University of Hong Kong from 12 to 13 June 2008. It was organized by Dr. James W. Minett and Prof. William S-Y. Wang from the Language Engineering Laboratory in the Department of Electronic Engineering at CUHK. Over the two days of the Workshop seven speakers from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Japan made presentations on She language, an endangered minority language in China; Bai language, another minority language spoken in Yunnan; minority languages and Chinese dialects spoken on Hainan Island and in Nanning, Guangxi; and Hong Kong Cantonese.

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