Volume 50, No 1
Message from the Editors 编辑寄语
Welcome to the first issue of Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) in 2022. We are pleased to announce the launch of a new section called “洞悟与心得” which includes two articles. Special thanks go to Prof. Yafei Li for serving as editor of “洞悟与心得”. It is our goal that the “洞悟与心得” section becomes a forum for constructive exchanges of different ideas and views.
Another important announcement is that we are publishing a third issue, scheduled to appear in October 2022. The additional issue of JCL enables more accepted papers to get published without waiting too long.
We’d like to thank colleagues who reviewed one or more papers for JCL during the period from December 2020 to November 2021. Their names are listed on the next page. Thank you for your support.
We wish everyone a very Happy New Year!
Shengli and Virginia
December 2021
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
This study investigates to what extent English-speaking learners of L2 Chinese can establish form and meaning connections in their L2 acquisition of the Chinese sentence-final question particle ba (baq) and suggestion particle ba (bas). As features of the baq and the bas in Chinese are configured differently in English, successful acquisition of baq and bas by English speakers requires reconfigurations. An acceptability judgment task, a dialogue completion task, a sentence assembly task, and a translation task were adopted in the study. Results obtained from 58 English-speaking learners of Chinese (at intermediate and advanced levels) show that learners do not have much difficulty in reconfiguring features attached to the bas and the form-meaning connections are established early and easily. In contrast, they show great difficulty in reconfiguring features on the baq. It is argued that the reconfiguration of features is a prerequisite for the successful form-meaning mapping in L2 grammars and that the ‘one-to-many’ form-meaning mapping imposes great difficulties for L2 learners.
本研究对母语为英语的汉语学习者在习得汉语句末问句助词“吧”（吧q）和建议助词“吧”（吧s）时建立形式和语义的联系进行了探究。由于吧q和吧s的特征在英语中的配置表现与汉语不同，对这些特征的成功习得需要学习者进行重新配置。研究采用了可接受性判断测试、对话补全、句子组装以及翻译等任务。来自58名母语为英语的汉语学习者（分为中级和高级水平）的结果显示，学习者对吧s的特征的重新装配不存在问题，并且较早、较容易地建立了形式-语义之间的联系。相反，学习者对重新配置吧q的特征存在非常大的困难。因此，本研究认为在二语语法中，特征的重新配置是成功建立形式-语义映射的前提，同时，“一对多”的形式-语义映射对二语学习者产生相对更大的困难。
Keywords 关键词
Sentence-final particle 例orm-meaning mapping Syntactic and discourse features English-speakers’ L2 Chinese
句末助词 形式-语义映射 句法和语篇特征 英语母语者
Abstract 摘要
In the Chinese art song repertoire, “How can I help but think of you” has long enjoyed enormous prestige since its publication in the 1920s. The song is memorable not only because of its innovative use of language by Liu Bannong in the lyrics but also because of the ingenious arrangement of tonalities, forms, and melodies by Chao Yuen Ren in the music. This essay will be devoted to a cultural and empirical analysis of the song, with the aim of understanding the efforts made by eminent scholars at the early stage of modernization of Chinese music and language. To this end, we will first explore how the lyrics are structured phonetically and syntactically. Tonal complexity and ambiguity in the music will then be analyzed, followed by the discussion of qǐ-chéng-zhuǎn-hé in the musical form. The pentatonicism embedded in the song and its relationship with what generally makes music “sound Chinese” will also be examined. In the end, we will also review an essential concept, yìjìng (or mindscape), in Chinese aesthetics and philosophy to better appreciate how various components in the music and lyrics together contribute to the aesthetic success of the song.
在中国艺术歌曲曲目中，《教我如何不想他》自上世纪20年代发表以来便一直享有极高的声誉。作品中刘半农创造性的语言用法让人耳目一新，而赵元任融汇中西的和声技法及曲式运用更是中国音乐近代化的代表性诠释。本文旨在通过对该歌曲的文化与实证分析，探讨中国音乐和语言中的近代化元素。我们首先对歌词的语音语义以及篇章结构进行分析，然后在中西方乐理的比较框架下研究音乐的调性、曲式结构以及旋律构成。其中我们将具体讨论曲中转调的丰富性、离调的歧义性、起承转合的运用以及五声调式与中国风音乐的关系。最后，我们还将分析歌曲音乐背后所体现的中国传统美学中的一个关键概念——意境。
Keywords 关键词
Ambiguity Modulation Qǐ-chéng-zhuǎn-hé Pentatonic Yìjìng (Mindscape)
歧义 转调 起承转合 五声调式 意境
Abstract 摘要
Mandarin Chinese has a modifier [V-de X] construction with a cluster of properties: X is both syntactically and semantically a predicate of the event denoted by V, unique per clause and demonstrably in the complement position of V. Whereas these properties collectively set X apart from postverbal adverbials in European languages, X not only can be interpreted as if it were one of a wide range of adverb classes but also interacts with actual preverbal adverbials of certain types and yields a minimality effect. We present an explanation that makes use of the probe-goal theory of syntactic dependencies and the association of adverb classes adv to their corresponding licensing heads H. It will be shown that the morpheme –de embodies agreement between adv and H. When coupled with a strict Kayne-style clausal structure that Chinese has, this characterization of –de helps explain all the properties of the modifier [V-de X] construction.
传统语法中描写性补语结构[V-de X]中的X有一系列区别于印欧语中动词后副词的特征：X是谓词性成分，语义上描述事件的特征，这些特征不仅限于表示频率、方式和结果等对应于印欧语言中低位副词的特征，也可指事件施事者特征及对事件的评论等高位副词特征；在句法上X是动词V的唯一补足语。在此基础上，本文发现此结构中动词前出现A-de类副词时，A-de类副词只能是比X更高位的副词而不能是更低位的副词，本文认为这是极近效应的作用，并用目标‒探针理论对这种现象进行了解释：语素de语义上表修饰，句法上激发修饰语A/X（探针）与核心词H（目标）之间一致关系的确立，位于X的C-统治域内的低位副词A会阻断X搜寻到相对应的核心词H因而产生极近效应。
Keywords 关键词
Probe-goal Minimality Modification V-de Adverbial
目标–探针理论 极近效应 修饰关系 V-de 状语
Abstract 摘要
This study investigated the relationship between two critical cognitive factors in constructing alternative ba sentences and SVO sentences in Mandarin Chinese: locality effects that predict a processing advantage for sentences where distances between syntactically related words are minimized, and predictability that predicts heavy processing difficulty for a word when its possibility of occurrence is low. Locality effects were measured by dependency distance and predictability was quantified by n-gram surprisal and Dependency Grammar (DG) surprisal. The results showed that locality effects and predictability co-exist in sentence construction: (a) there is a competitive relationship between dependency distance and n-gram surprisal in constructing naturally occurring ba sentences and the corresponding SVO sentences; (b) the competition between dependency distance and n-gram surprisal was also found in constructing ba sentences and SVO sentences respectively; (c) there is a competitive relationship between dependency distance and n-gram surprisal as well as a competitive relationship between dependency distance and DG surprisal in constructing naturally occurring ba sentences and ba sentences converted from SVO sentences. It is worth noting that, in some cases, dependency distance and DG surprisal cooperate with each other. These findings have important implications for theories of language production and cognition.
本文基于普通话中能相互变换的把字句及主动宾句，探讨局域效应与预测性两个认知因素在句式构建中的关系。局域效应指出有句法关系的词之间的距离越小，句子越容易处理；预测性则指出单词出现的可能性越小，处理难度越大。本文以依存距离衡量局域效应，以n元惊异值和依存句法惊异值衡量预测性。研究结果显示，在句式构建过程中，局域效应与预测性共存：(1) 依存距离与n元惊异值在构建把字句与同义主动宾句时存在竞争关系；(2) 这种竞争关系也分别出现在把字句及主动宾句的构建过程中；(3) 依存距离与n元惊异值以及依存距离与依存句法惊异值在构建自然出现的把字句与由主动宾句转换得到的把字句时也有竞争关系。值得一提的是，依存距离与依存句法惊异值在某些情况下存在合作关系。这些发现对语言产出和认知理论具有重要意义。
Keywords 关键词
Locality effects Predictability Competitive relationship Language production Processing difficulty
局域效应 预测性 竞争关系 语言产出 处理难度
Abstract 摘要
-Haa5 (吓) ‘a bit’ is a frequently used affix attached to verbal and adjectival phrases in Cantonese. The investigation of the distributions, grammatical properties and functions of -haa5 reveals that all usages of -haa5 are derived from its original meaning ‘a stroke, a bit, or a tiny amount’. The distributions of -haa5 are highly restricted: predicates eligible to co-occur with –haa5 are verbs/adjectives with an innate event/degree argument, excluding those whose semantics are of extreme/polarity reading. The function of -haa5 is to delimit events when following verb phrases (henceforth VPs) and make slight adjustments of degree when attached to adjective phrases (henceforth APs). Moreover, -haa5 is of the function of subjectivity encoding. -Haa5 has been grammaticalized from a verb classifier, event delimiter/degree adjuster to a subjectivity marker and is syntactically at the left periphery of the extended projection of predicative lexical categories.
“-吓”是粤语动词和形容词短语之后经常出现的一个后缀。通过对“-吓”的句法分布、语法性质和功能的研究，本文发现“-吓”的所有用法都源自其“一下”的初始意义。“-吓”的句法分布非常受限：能与“-吓”合法共现的谓词都是内含事件/程度论元的动词/形容词，并且这些谓词不能包含极限/极项意义。当附着在动词短语之后时，“-吓”的功能是切分事件，当它出现在形容词短语后时，其作用是对形容词表达的程度意义进行细微调整。除此之外，“-吓”还能表达说话者的主观判断。我们认为粤语的“-吓”已经完成了从动量词、事件切分/程度调节成分到主观性标记的语法化，它在句法上处于谓词性词汇短语扩展投射的左边界位置。
Keywords 关键词
Cantonese –haa5 吓 Event Degree Subjectivity Left-peripheral marker
粤语“-吓” 事件 程度 主观性 左缘标记
Abstract 摘要
Nie 乜, the merging syllable of renjia 人家, is a pronoun in northwestern dialect and an obviative or middle demonstrative pronoun in some dialects of Shandong province. In Wuji County of Hebei province, which is located between northwestern China and Shandong province, nie is both personal and neutral demonstrative pronoun. This regional distribution reflects not only the conceptual cognitive mapping of personal register and demonstrative register of Chinese dialects, but also the evolution of nie from personal pronoun to demonstrative pronoun. The evolution results from the generalization of nie from referent to object. And the mapping of the two conceptual registers makes the demonstrative pronoun system develop into “proximate, middle and obviative” in some dialects. Thus nie evolved into an obviative or middle demonstrative pronoun.
“人家”合音的“乜”，在西北方言中是人称代词；在山东的一些方言中，是远指/中指代词；在二者之间的河北无极等地方言中，是人称代词兼中性指代词。这种地域分布，反映出汉语方言人称域和指代域的概念认知映射，反映出“乜”由人称代词向指代词的演变。其演变的具体诱因，是人称代词“乜”的指称对象向事物的泛化；而两个概念域的映射，使得一些方言的指代系统发展为“近指、中指、远指”三分，于是“乜”也就演变为远指/中指代词。
Keywords 关键词
“Nie” Pronoun Demonstrative pronoun Generalization of anaphora Transition
“乜” 人称代词 指代词 回指泛化 过渡
Abstract 摘要
Embodiment has been the tenet of several linguistic theories accounting for how language conceptualizes cognitive and bodily experiences. Studies on linguistic synesthesia and sensory lexicon strengthened the embodiment account by showing that the mapping patterns amongst sense modalities likewise exhibited a tendency from the more embodied to the less embodied. This paper reports a corpus-based study of gustatory vocabulary in Mandarin Chinese to explore the interaction between embodied senses and conceptual embodiment. We first observed that the perception of là 辣 ‘spicy’ and má 麻 ‘numbing’ was chemesthesis derived from a chemical reaction from the body. In addition, the concept of taste was found capable of being depicted by variegated non-taste lexical items from less embodied sensory domains. This study posits that gustatory properties as abstract cognitive categories are likely to be derived from more embodied senses, yet when the quality of gustatory sensation is the focus, less embodied senses can be adopted to modify it. Corroborated with other recent studies, this study underlines and clarifies the role of embodiment as a versatile tool of linguistic conceptualization among multiple conceptual layers instead of being a fixed set of conceptual objects to select from.
具身认知(Embodiment)是研究人类语言概念表征的重要途径。前人对语言中的通感(linguistic synesthesia)及感官词汇的实证研究发现感官之间会因感官体验(bodily sensation)程度的不同呈现不同的映射规律。一般来说感官体验度较高(more embodied)的感官(如触觉、味觉)会更趋向于映射至体验度较低(less embodied)的感官(如视觉、听觉等)。本文基于语料库对汉语味觉词汇进行详尽考察，并对感官体验与具身认知问题展开讨论。我们主要分析两种现象：1)从生理学角度看不属于味觉感知的“辣”和“麻”长期被汉语母语者视为味觉；2)汉语母语者在描述食物味道时，会使用大量不属于味觉的其他感官词汇，而这些词汇有些更是来自感官体验度较低的感官。本文提出，味觉作为较为抽象的认知范畴，可借助感官体验度较高的词汇对其进行描述；但当人们需要强调味觉特性时，体验度较低的感官词汇同样也可对味觉加以表达。本文的分析进一步说明了具身认知对语言概念化研究的多重功能。
Keywords 关键词
Embodiment Mandarin gustatory vocabulary Linguistic synesthesia Sensory modality
具身认知 汉语味觉词汇 通感 感官体验
Abstract 摘要
In the history of Chinese general language, with the back vowel raised chain shift, the front vowel raised chain shift occurred in the early period of the Middle Ancient. This front raising is a push chain started slightly later than the back vowel raised chain shift which also happened in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Comparing the front and back vowel raised chain shift, the symmetrical and non-symmetric sound-change output patterns can be observed. A series of vowel rephonologization resulted from front vowel raised chain shift was characterized by the differentiation and merging of rhyme groups Ge1 歌1 Ge3 歌3, Zhi 支 Ge2 歌2, and Zhi2 脂2 Zhi1 脂1, which formed Ma-Er 麻二, Jia 佳, Jie 皆, Ma-San 麻三, Zhi 支, Zhi 脂, and Qi 齐 rhymes in the Middle Ancient with fronting and collaboration of rhyme groups Wei1 微1 Wei2 微2 and Zhi 之. As for the patterns in Qieyun 切韵 of rhymes, Jia 佳 and Qi 齐 were shaped in Liu Song Dynasty, while the formation of Jie 皆 rhyme was after the Liu Song, and the Zhi 支 and Zhi 脂 rhymes were not earlier than the Jin Dynasty. The form of front vowel raised chain shift is incomplete and belongs to localized chain shift. The structural adjustment of Chinese vowel system occurred after the start of the long vowel raising and before the completion of the short vowel lengthening.
中古前期，汉语通语语音史上，与后高化链移相伴，发生了前高化链移。此次前高化是推链，启动较后高化略晚，也在东汉。比较前后高化链移，可以观察到对称和不对称的音变输出格局。前高化链移引起一系列元音的系统重组，表现为歌1歌3部、支歌2部、脂2脂1部的分化、合并，其间还掺入微1微2部、之部的前化与合流，至中古形成麻二佳皆麻三支脂齐韵。《切韵》格局的佳齐韵形成于刘宋时期，皆韵形成在刘宋时期之后，支脂韵形成则不早于晋代。前高化链移形态不完整，属于局部链移。汉语元音系统构型调整发生于长元音高化开始之后，短元音长化完成之前。
Keywords 关键词
Sound change 例ront vowel raised chain shift Rephonologization Vowel system configuration Phonology of Middle Ancient Chinese
音变 前高化链移 音系重组 元音系统构型 中古音系
Insight 洞悟与心得
Abstract 摘要
讨论节奏的文献相当多，而且包括各种不同角度，如音乐的节奏、诗歌的节奏、非诗歌语言的节奏、自然现象中的节奏(如山川起伏、昼夜交替等)。不过，尚未见到一个简单明确、适合各种节奏类型的定义。对诗歌来说，文献提到的各种节奏成分(如押韵、双声、叠韵等)对母语人的语感有何影响，有关讨论也很少，而且缺乏实验证据。文章首先对节奏提出一个简单明确的定义，即节奏包含两个要素：一是要有某种单位的重复，二是该单位必须体现某种交替。比如英语的诗行是音步的重复，而音步是轻重音节的交替。然后文章提出了节奏的结构表示，并以常见的节奏类型进行演示。接着文章汇报一个语感实验，语料包括36首双行民谣型当代诗歌，每首诗歌分别标注了六种节奏成分：1.押韵、2.诗歌结构、3.双声、4.叠韵、5.非相邻音节的声母重复(alliteration)、6.非相邻音节的元音或韵母重复(assonance)。每首诗歌再请13位母语人对其总体节奏度进行打分。统计显示，节奏成分1、2对诗歌的节奏度有显著影响，其他节奏成分无显著影响。文章进一步提出，节奏成分的结构可以解释它们对语感的影响程度。比如无固定长度的交替单位很难对语感产生显著影响。最后，文章对前人的各种节奏定义进行了简要的评论。
Keywords 关键词
节奏 语感实验 诗歌结构 押韵 音步
Abstract 摘要
本文讨论与结果句相关的三个难题。其中一个是由众所周知的可在普通话结果句中观察到的定指效应(definiteness effect)构成的。另外两个难题涉及粤语和普通话之间的差异，其一涉及两种语言之间的词序差异，另一个则与两种语言在定指性上的差异有关，即在粤语中似乎无法观察到普通话中存在的定指效应。为了解释词序差异，我们提出处所介词短语在粤语中处于VP内的位置，而它在普通话中则为高阶施用短语(high applicative)。至于定指效应，我们提出包含不定DP的表达结果意涵的结构不同于包含有定DP的结构，即前者为范围短语(extent phrase)，而非纯粹的结果结构，在句法上嵌于VP结构内。照此逻辑，所谓粤语中没有定指效应的说法就无法成立了。正如普通话，粤语中带不定宾语的结果句的深层结构(base structure)也不同于带有定宾语的结果句。换言之，两种语言在此方面并无差异。产生此种误解的根源在于，在粤语中，两种结构中的处所介词短语都处于结构中较低的位置，深层结构中存在的差异无法于表层结构中显现出来，因此产生了粤语中不存在定指效应的假象。
Keywords 关键词
结果短语 粤语 普通话 比较句法 定指效应
Volume 50, No 2
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
Families immigrating to English-speaking countries, such as Chinese families in the USA, typically undergo language shift to English within three generations. In principle, however, language shift can be reversed, as documented in the case of certain endangered languages. In a case study of a three-generation Chinese American family, we show how heritage language attrition and inter-generational language shift can be reversed. The birth of a third generation motivates the second-generation parents to resume speaking and acquiring Chinese. Awareness of the advantages of bilingualism and recognition of a Chinese American identity lead the second-generation parents to transmit Chinese language and culture to the third generation.
移民至英语国家的家庭，比如在美华裔家庭，通常会在三代人的时间内就不再传承母语，转而使用英语。然而这种趋势并非不可逆转，如某些濒危语言研究所示。本文通过一个在美华裔家庭三代人的案例研究，阐述如何扭转继承语磨蚀的趋势和第二、第三代的语言转向。第三代的出生促使第二代重拾母语，增加母语的使用，继而提升其母语能力。同时，第二代对拥有双语能力优势的体认以及他们对华裔身分的认同，也更进一步促使汉语语言文化代代相传。
Keywords 关键词
Language shift Heritage language Chinese American
语言转向 继承语言 在美华裔
Abstract 摘要
Syntactic properties of the negative marker mei6 in the preverbal and sentence-final positions in Cantonese are examined in this paper. It is argued that the preverbal mei6 is the head of NegP in the lexical layer while the sentence-final mei6 is a sentence-final particle of the temporal type in the head of TP that belongs to the inflectional layer, forming VP-Neg questions. A number of empirical facts, such as matching restrictions on the predicate, coexistence with the sentence-final particles of the temporal type, occurrence in embedded clauses, and distribution of the adverb zung6 ‘still’, can be explained under the base-generation approach to the derivation of the VP-Neg questions.
本文旨在讨论粤语谓语前和句末否定标记“未”的句法特点。谓语前的“未”属于否定词短语的中心语，位处词汇层次；句末“未”属于时间类句末助词，位于时间词短语的中心语，位处屈折层次，形成反复问句。根据本文对反复问句基础生成的分析，跟“未”相关的谓语匹配要求、与时间类句末助词共现问题、进入嵌套小句、副词“仲”分布等语言事实，都可以得到合理的解释。
Keywords 关键词
Negation Sentence-final particle VP-Neg question Cartography Cantonese
否定 句末助词 反复问句 制图理论 粤语
Abstract 摘要
This article explores the compositionality of [dà NP de] construction in Chinese. The NP should be a direct time-denoting NPTIME or an indirect time-denoting NPITIME. Following Kayne (2016), we assume there is a silent TIME following de. Meanwhile, a less-discussed use of de—that is, the equational/appositional use of de (Chao 1968), has been revived to link the silent TIME and NPTIME/NPITIME. This analysis of de helps explain why the NP is preferably time-related, as it is easier for a time-denoting NP to establish an equational/appositional relation with the silent TIME. Dà ‘big’ is neither a size-denoting adjective, nor an evaluative morpheme. It is analyzed as an element like the restrictive adjective very (e.g., the very book) in English. Dà modifies the appositive conjunction phrase [NP de TIME], bringing emphasis to the construction, which in turn imposes certain semantic and pragmatic constraints on its subsequent clauses.
本文主要探讨“大NP的”结构是如何通过组合的方式生成的。本文认为该结构中的“大”既非指涉尺寸大小的形容词，也非表示评价的语素，而是一个表示强调的限制形容词，其用法类似于英文the very book中的very。受Kayne(2016)的启发，我们假设该结构的“的”字之后有个没有语音实现形式的时间名词TIME。受Chao(1968)启发，我们认为该结构中的“的”是“的”的一种特殊用法，即“的”等同/同位用法，用来连接表示时间的NP和无声的TIME。“NP的TIME”是一个同位结构，受“大”修饰。由于“大”的强调作用(Lü 1999)，“大NP的”结构具有强调义，继而要求其后续子句在语义和语用上与之匹配，从而对后续子句产生一定的限制。
Keywords 关键词
Dà TIME Equational/Appositional de Restrictive adjective very
“大” TIME “的”的等同/同位用法 限制形容词very
Abstract 摘要
As is well known, all relative clauses in Modern Chinese are marked with de. Compared with Modern Chinese, Archaic Chinese seems to have a richer encoding for relative clauses. It has three possible relative markers: zhe, zhi and suo. In this article, we will approach to Archaic Chinese relatives from the perspective of formal syntax. We will argue that zhe is a subject relative pronoun and suo a VP internal relative pronoun, and that zhe– and suo– relatives are derived from the A’-movement of the relevant relative pronoun to the peripheral position, creating an operator-variable relation at LF. Simultaneously, we will use Cecchetto and Donati’s labeling theory to account for a peculiar phenomenon that the same relative pronoun can form both headless and headed relatives. We will further argue that the relative marker zhi, as English that, is an invariant relativizer occupying the C position, and that zhi-relatives involve null operator movement. That is to say, like English type of languages, Archaic Chinese actually involves two separate relativizing strategies: through a relative pronoun or a null operator. The article also contributes to the debate on the analysis of relatives: data from Archaic Chinese favors an Adjunction Analysis to the Raising Analysis (or Complementation Analysis) à la Kayne.
众所周知，现代汉语中所有的关系从句均由“的”引导。相比之下，上古汉语中关系从句的表现形式则更为丰富，共有“者”“之”“所”三种关系化标记。本文将从形式句法的视角探讨上古汉语的上述三种关系从句。我们认为“者”是主语关系代词，而“所”是VP内关系代词，带“者”或“所”的关系从句是通过关系代词A’移动至边缘位置而生成的，并借此在LF层建立了算子–变量关系。同时，我们将采用Cecchetto和Donati的加标理论来解释上古汉语中同一个关系代词既可构成无核关系从句，又可构成有核关系从句这一奇特的语法现象。至于关系化标记“之”，我们认为它与英语中的that相似，是标句词C，而“之”引导的关系从句则是通过空算子移位生成的。也就是说，上古汉语和英语类语言一样，都具有两种独立的关系化策略，即要么通过关系代词实现关系化，要么通过空算子实现关系化。另外，此文还将对目前学界关于关系从句分析方法的争论起到一定的参考作用：上古汉语的语料证明了嫁接分析法要优于Kayne的提升(或称补语)分析法。
Keywords 关键词
Archaic Chinese Relative clause Labeling A’-movement Null operator
上古汉语 关系从句 加标 A’移动 空算子
Abstract 摘要
Clause-chains and converbs represent typologically distinctive ways of clause combination. Modern Tibetan has highly elaborated clause-chain and converbial structures, which are also quite unique among Tibeto-Burman languages. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are representative in Tibetan, and their morphosyntactic features are mainly reflected in four aspects. In Mdungnag Tibetan, there are different markers for converbial and medial clauses depending on whether the clause is realis or irrealis. Converbial clauses and medial clauses are non-finite, while the matrix clauses are finite. Converb clauses and medial clauses can switch reference freely. The clause-chain and converbial structures of Mdungnag Tibetan are morphosyntactically distinct from conjunctive structures as well as juxtaposed structures.
小句链和副动词是语言类型学中比较独特的从句组合形式。现代藏语是小句链和副动词结构极其发达的语言，在藏缅语中也极具特色。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构在藏语中具有代表性，其形态句法特征主要体现为四个方面：根据小句指称的异同区分小句链结构和副动词结构；副动词和中间动词形态根据小句叙实性与否分为两类；副动词和中间动词要采用非限定式，而主句则采用限定式；副动词从句和中间小句与主句主语指称可以自由互换。东纳藏语的小句链和副动词结构，与连动结构和并列结构在一系列形态句法上区别开来。
Keywords 关键词
Clause-chain Converb Medial clause Definiteness Realis Switch reference
小句链 副动词 中间小句 限定性 叙实 转指
Abstract 摘要
This study is an initial report on Pareto distribution (the 80/20 rule) of grammatical constructions; namely, about 20% of the types of grammatical constructions for causative situations account for about 80% of the uses in conversation. I use a data-driven approach to investigate the grammatical constructions that Chinese L1 speakers choose in spontaneous talk show conversations to describe causative situations. I identify two specific Pareto distributional patterns. 1) The distribution of all 22 constructions for causative situations constitutes a Pareto ABC diagram with the A-class (ba-; unmarked passive; rang-; bei-; resultative; gei-) containing 27.3% of the types but accounting for 88.8% of all the 1,497 uses. 2) Most uses of a grammatical construction come from a small set of subtypes: The full ba– accounts for 87.9% of all ba– uses; the reduced bei– accounts for 86.8%; 37.5% of rang– subtypes account for 84.2%. These patterns can be explained by the Lens concept. I conclude that a few constructions account for most grammatical choices of L1 Chinese speakers in conversation. Understanding these grammatical distributions in natural discourse can improve the efficiency and efficacy of language teaching and Natural Language Processing (NLP).
本研究是关于自然会话中语法构式的帕累托(Pareto)分布(二八法则)的第一份报告——大约20％的语法构式类型占表述致使情景的所有实际用例的80％。基于脱口秀自然会话语料，本文使用数据驱动的方法穷尽式地探究汉语母语者选择何种语法构式表述会话中的致使情景。本文关于帕累托分布的具体发现是：(一)会话中表述致使情景的所有22种汉语语法构式的分布反映了帕累托原理及其ABC等级分布。A级的构式类型数量为22种构式类型的27.3％，却占到所有1,497条用例的88.8％。A级包括的最高频构式依次是：把字句、无标记被动句、让字句、被字句、结果补语、给字句。B级的构式类型数量同样占27.3％，却仅占所有用例的8.9％。C级的构式类型数量占了近一半(45.5％)，却只占所有用例的2.3％。(二)语法构式的大多数用例来自个别子类型：完整版把字句占所有把字句用例的87.9％；减短版被字句占所有被字句用例的86.8％；37.5％的让字句类型占所有让字句用例的84.2％。Lens理论可以解释这些分布规律。本文结论是，汉语母语者在自然会话中选用少数构式类型来表述绝大部分致使情景。该发现进一步揭示了自然话语中语法构式的分布，这对语言教学和自然语言处理具有直接参考价值。
Keywords 关键词
Grammatical construction 例requency Lens Choice Mandarin
语法构式 频率 滤镜 选择 现代汉语
Abstract 摘要
This paper argues that tso in Changde dialect is a sentence final particle and its use may trigger an implied clause. It is observed that tso is only allowed in a suggestive imperative, restricted to co-occurring with the adverb ɕian55 先 ‘first’. Besides, xa 下 or ta 哒 alternately appears in a tso-suffixed sentence. A comparison of tso in Changde dialecct to zhe in Mandarin on the one hand and to tşe55 in Longhui dialect on the other hand shows that tso has similarities to and differences from both. While zhe is an aspectual particle, it may also trigger an implicit meaning in [V+zhe] construction. Although both of tso and tşe55 can be used as sentence final particles to introduce a sequential event implicitly, the use of tso is more constrained than tşe55.
本文以常德方言tso“着”为例，分析得出句末词具有触发暗含意义的功能。它只能用于建议句中，与副词“先”搭配，动量词“下”或语气词“哒”必须交替出现在“着”字句中。通过横纵向对比，指出常德方言tso与北方方言zhe“着”和隆回方言中的tşe55“着”既有不同点，也存在相似处。研究表明：zhe与tso存在明显的区别，前者为体标记，而后者为句末语气词。但在“V+着”祈使句中，zhe同样能触发引申意义；tso与tşe55两者同为句末语气词，都能触发产生接下来事件的引申涵义。但前者的自由度比后者要低，tso只能用在祈使句句末。
Keywords 关键词
tso Changde dialect Sentence final particle Syntax
着 常德方言 句末词 句法
Abstract 摘要
After investigating the usages of -men in Linxia Dialect. It is found that -men in Linxia dialect is not only used to express plurality, but also approximation, respect, exaggeration and so on. These semantics are consistent with the uses of the plural marker in Altaic Turkic family. We believe that the special usages in Linxia dialect are the result of language contact. Different from previous scholars who think that -men is a plural marker, a meaningless affix or a topic marker, we argue that the core semantics of -men in Linxia dialect is to express “bigness”. We regard it as an augmentative marker.
本文以临夏话中指称唯一性事物名词以及不可数名词后加“们”等非复数用法为切入点，重新分析了临夏话“们”的性质。“们”除了可表复数，还可以表约量、尊敬、整体、强调等，这些功能与阿尔泰语系突厥语族语言密切相关，是语言接触的结果。“们”不是单纯的复数标记，也不是无语义的词缀或话题标记，其语义丛核心是表达“大”义，本文将它处理成“大称”标记。大称标记与复数标记相关，这一发现具有语言类型学的价值。
Keywords 关键词
Linxia Dialect –Men Augmentative Language contact Plural marker
临夏话 们 大称 语言接触 复数标记
Insight 洞悟与心得
Abstract 摘要
普通话系词“是”和粤语系词“係”均可用于肯定应答。从跨语言的角度看，系词同时可以充当应答成分的现象并不多见。本文首先论证“是”和“係”作肯定应答助词时应被看作回指成分，支持Krifka(2013)对应答助词的分析。本文进一步指出“是”和“係”可以充当回指成分并用于肯定应答，这与二者的系词性质密不可分，两种功能间的联系体现了系词语法化过程中的循环演变(Lohndal 2009)。
Keywords 关键词
粤语 系词 应答助词
Abstract 摘要
本文针对端木三的节奏分析，论证了人类语言的生理重复系统。基于冯胜利、施春宏(2021)的节律分析，本文提出节奏不仅是一个单位的交替重复，更是一种根植于人类生理上的感知(主要是听觉)现象。因此，自然现象中的机械重复(如潮汐的涨落往复、钟表的“嘀嘀”之声)必须与人类语言基于生理机制的重复(如诗歌的节奏、鼓点节拍等)区分开来。文章认为：音乐节奏的生理试验(如Teie 2016有关胎儿/婴儿音律节拍习得的试验研究)可证本文“生物节律”的理论，而古代节律学家(如沈约[441−513 CE]的“前有浮声、后须切响；一简之内，音韵尽殊；两句之中，轻重悉异”)也可从诗歌和韵文节律的发明上，证实本文“相对凸显”为节律基本单位的理论假说。文章最后指出：本文提出的“生理韵律”理论，一方面与乔姆斯基的语言能力(即大脑运算系统的基因禀赋)的假说相行不悖，另一方面也向乔姆斯基“生理句法”理论提出挑战：如果人类语言交替单元的重复系统(衍生出相对凸显原则)乃为生物心跳规律所赋予，则人类语言的生理机能就不仅限于“合并merge”(大脑机能)，同时也包括“相对凸显relative prominence”(心跳机能)。据此，人类语言句子的语法性(grammaticality)将不单由句法部门所决定，也必取决于韵律部门的生成机制。
Keywords 关键词
自然-节奏 生理节奏 轻重交替 重复 心跳机制
Volume 50, No 3
Message from the Editors 编辑寄语
We are pleased to announce that three prominent scholars have joined the editorial board of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL):
WOLFGANG BEHR (毕鹗)
University of Zurich, Zurich
JIE XU (徐杰)
University of Macau, Macau
BOJIANG ZHANG (张伯江)
中国社会科学院
It is our honor and pleasure to have them on board. We thank them for contributing their time and expertise to JCL and look forward to working with them.
Shengli Feng and Virginia Yip
September 2022
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
This paper proposes that the distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood is expressed systematically in Archaic Chinese in negated context based on an analysis of modal negation in matrix and embedded clauses. We address the questions where subjunctive mood is hosted syntactically, and what kind of verbs require subjunctive mood in their complements. We propose that both imperatives and subjunctives are hosted in and licensed by an irrealis ModP within TP, but are interpreted in a higher projection in CP. Additionally, we demonstrate that there is a systematic distinction between indicative and subjunctive mood in the employment of the negative complementizers fēi and wēi. We also show that both imperatives and subjunctives are only overtly expressed in the negative, imperatives are not marked by sentence-final particles, or by any other syntactic means.
基于情态否定词在主句和补句裡的分析，本文将探讨古代汉语句法中的虚拟语气与陈述语气的区别。我们探究虚拟语气的句法位置以及何种动词在补语分句中要使用虚拟语气。我们提出，在上古汉语中，CP里面的祈使运符的位置为隐性，虚拟语气需要被显性TP层的ModP认证。而且，我们表明连词“非”与“微”的区别是：“非”是标示已然语气，“微”标示未然语气。我们也发现只有在否定句中，祈使语气和虚拟语气需要显性的标记。肯定祈使句既不需要特别句末助词，也不需要其它句法标记。
Keywords 关键词
Archaic Chinese Modal negation Imperative Subjunctive mood Syntax
古代汉语 情态否定词 祈使语气 虚拟语气 句法
Abstract 摘要
Great changes have taken place in contemporary Chinese, which are mainly reflected in the overall structure, specific units and meanings of vocabulary. The above-mentioned changes are generally manifested as a certain degree of deviation or even breakthrough from the original norms, reflecting the “new tendency” of contemporary Chinese; in addition, the restoration and reuse of some old forms before 1949 are “restorative” changes. The former is directly or indirectly related to the influence of western factors, providing a large number of concrete facts for the theory of language development, as well as the latest materials, explanations and supplements for the proposition of “language and social co-variation” by sociolinguistics, the theory of language variation and contact, and the theory of style, etc. The above changes have brought opportunities and challenges to contemporary Chinese research. They not only provide an excellent window for observing the development and changes of contemporary languages, but also promote the current language research into the “second era”; on the other hand, they challenge the traditional view of language and characters, knowledge system and the processing and understanding of some specific issues, which need to be actively addressed.
当代汉语发生的巨变，主要表现在词汇的整体结构、具体单位以及意义等方面。上述变化总体表现为对原有规范一定程度的偏离甚至突破，反映了当代汉语的“趋新性”。对1949年前某些旧有形式的恢复与重新使用，则属“复旧性”变化。前者直接或间接与西方因素的影响有关，为语言发展理论提供了大量活生生的具体事实，也给社会语言学的“语言与社会共变”命题、语言变异与接触理论及语体理论等提供了最新的材料、解释与补充。上述变化给当代汉语研究带来机遇与挑战：既为观察当代语言发展变化提供了绝佳窗口，也推动当下的语言研究进入“秒时代”；另一方面，它们对传统的语言文字观、知识体系和一些具体问题的处理与认识提出挑战，需要积极应对。
Keywords 关键词
Contemporary Chinese 例oreign language Vocabulary
当代汉语 外来语言 词汇
Abstract 摘要
Keywords关键词
Contagion Ellipsis Semantic change Clipping Metonymy
词义感染 删略生义 语义演变 截短 转喻
Abstract 摘要
In “三月无君则吊，不以急乎” (Did not this condoling, on being three months unemployed by a ruler, show a too great urgency to you?) from Mencius, “以” is commonly interpreted as 太 (too), bearing the same connotation with the “以” in “不以泰乎” (is it too excessive), also from Mencius, in an identical structure “adverb+以+adjective(+乎)”. The contexts of “不以泰乎”, “如其道，则舜受尧之天下，不以为泰。子以为泰乎” (Shun accepted the Empire from Yao without considering it to be excessive, when it was in accordance with the Way. Or perhaps you consider even this to be excessive?) could provide an indication that “不以泰乎” means “consider even this to be excessive” and further suggests that “不以急乎” means “consider it to be a great urgency”. There has been a myriad of sentences with the pattern of “以…为…” (consider… to be..) in the synchronic literature. The pattern “以为…” (consider as…) arose from the cases where the objective of “以” in “以…为…” referred to something or event that had appeared shortly prior to the context. The pattern “以…” (consider…) derived from the pattern of “以为”. It could be well demonstrated in the similar distribution in “以+adjective” and “以为+adjective”. In some ictionaries of ancient Chinese function words, “以” and “已” as two synonym adverbs indicating “too” 太. And yet the instances gave in the dictionary could all be dissembled: in the first cases, “以(consider)” could be regarded as omitted expression of “以为”; in the second, it could be seen as a preposition in Chinese; or it should be seen as the equivalent of “已”, bearing the meaning of “already”.
《孟子》“三月无君则吊，不以急乎”的“以”一般解释为“太”，它与同书“不以泰乎”的“以”同处于“副词+以+形容词(+乎)”结构中，因而意义是一样的。后者的下文“非其道，则一箪食不可受于人；如其道，则舜受尧之天下，不以为泰。子以为泰乎”又可证明“不以泰乎”即“不以为泰乎”，从而也证明“不以急乎”即“不以为急乎”。共时文献中存在大量“以……为……”格式的句子，当“以”的宾语所指的事物、事件在紧接着的上文出现过时，该格式便衍生出“以为……”格式。这一格式又衍生出了“以……”格式。若干“以+形容词”和“以为+形容词”句分布条件类似，能够证明这一点。一些古汉语虚词词典中将“以、已”释为副词，意义为“太”的例子都可分解：其中“以”或为“以为”之省，或为介词，或应读为“已”；而“已”则都是“已经”的意思。
Keywords关键词
Consider as 以为 Consider 以 Mencius Adjective Too 太
以为…… 以…… 《孟子》 形容词 太
Abstract 摘要
Both the structural characteristics and grammaticality issues of synthetic compounds OVN and VON have been fully discussed from perspectives of formal syntax, prosodic grammar and multiple interactions among syntax, prosody and semantics. However, there is still a lot of controversy. This paper puts forward a new analysis based on existing studies and aims to provide a more consistent description and explanation on generative mechanism and constraints of all types of synthetic compounds. First, this paper systematically describes the complex and diverse combination types of synthetic compounds as well as their grammaticality and usability, and summarizes the main aspects and problems to be solved in terms of generative constraints of these compounds, which pave the way to propose a new approach from Stylistic-Register Grammar. With Spatio-Temporal Principle and operational rules of Stylistic-Register Grammar, this paper analyzes the specific constraints on the grammaticality and usability of different types of synthetic compounds, and explains the motivations of special types and cases. Therefore, this paper suggests that the so-called exceptions, special examples or counter-examples are essentially the results of multiple interactions, while the differences of typological features of synthetic compounds are the results of interactions between structural characteristics and specific register motivations, which provide a good reference for the establishment of stylistic-register typology. Lastly, this paper points out that the approach focusing on multi-interactive mechanism could inspire us to make new thinking on the methodologies in related research fields.
关于合成复合词OVN和VON的结构特征及其合法性问题，学界已从形式句法、韵律语法及句法、韵律、语义等多重因素相互作用等方面做了较为丰富的探讨，但目前仍有很大争议。本文试图在学界既有研究的基础上提出新的分析角度，以期对合成复合词各种类型的生成机制及其约束条件做出更为一致性的描写和解释。文章首先系统描写了合成复合词系统复杂多样的组配类型及其合法性、合用性表现，概括了学界关于合成复合词生成条件所讨论的主要方面及有待解决的问题，由此提出基于语体语法基本原理的研究路径。在建构语体语法的时空性原理及其运作规则系统的基础上，文章逐一分析了不同类型合成复合词的合法性和合用性的具体约束条件，并对各种特殊类型和特殊用例的生成动因做出阐释。文章由此提出，对合成复合词的生成机制而言，所谓的例外、特例、反例现象是受到多重互动关系制约的结果；合成复合词的类型学差异受到语言结构特征和特殊语体动因的相互制约，这为建立语体类型学提供了一个很好的参照。文章最后指出，这种基于多重互动关系作用机制的研究，可以启发我们对相关研究的方法论问题做出新的思考。
Keywords关键词
Synthetic compounds Generative mechanism Stylistic-Register Grammar Spatio-Temporal Principle Multiple interaction Stylistic-register typology
合成复合词 生成机制 语体语法 时空性原理 多重互动 语体类型学
Abstract 摘要
Manchu causative sentence is formed by the affix “bu” after the verbal root. The causee has objective case mark “be” or dative case mark “de”, and constitutes causative sentence formed as “S+N+be/de+V(-bu-)”. This research discusses the expression of the affix “bu” in the translation of Manchu into Chinese in QingWenZhiYao Manchu and Chinese versions. It is found that in Manchu causative sentence, the absence of causee, marked or not, and animacy hierarchy directly lead to three strategies in Chinese translation: explicit causation, implicit causation and non-causation. The transitivity of verbs affects the choice of causation or permission in Chinese translation. This shows the affix “bu” is a prominent feature in Manchu causative sentence. The early Chinese version was greatly influenced by Manchu. The rewriting of Beijing Mandarin followed the basic characteristics of the causative sentence pattern and was more inclined to the oral expression of northern Chinese in the late Qing Dynasty.
满语使动态是在动词词根与动词时制间接缀附加成分“bu”构成。使役受使者成分有宾格“be”或与位格“de”标记，构成“S使事+ N受使+be/de+V(-bu-)”的使役句式。文章主要讨论了满汉合璧本《清文指要》中汉语对译满语使动态词缀“bu”时的表达情况，调查发现满语该结构中“N受使”缺省与否、有无标记以及生命度的高低直接导致汉译呈现出显性使役、隐性使役和非使役三种策略，动词V的及物性高低，影响到汉译中选择致使还是使让两个不同类型使役句表达。这更显示出满语该句式使动态词缀“bu”的显赫特征。早期汉译本受满文影响大，汉语北京官话改写本在遵循使役句式根本特点的基础上，更倾向于清末北方汉语口语表达。
Keywords关键词
Causative affix “bu” Manchu and Chinese combination Chinese translation strategy Language types Mighty category
bu词缀 满汉合璧 汉译策略 语言类型 显赫范畴
Abstract 摘要
In Lianjiang Yue dialect, the auxiliary verb “guan1” and the aspect particle “guan2”, which place before and after verbs respectively, refer to habitual meaning. By investigating these two words, we find that in Lianjiang Yue dialect, Guigang Yue dialect and Hakka dialect, “guan” has grammaticalized from descriptive complement to habitual particle, while in Guangzhou dialect “guan” has not evolved in this way. The habitual particle in Guangzhou dialect is “kai”. There are two paths of grammaticalization for the habitual particles in Chinese dialect. One is from descriptive complement to habitual aspect (such as “kai” in Guangzhou dialect, and “guan2” in Lianjiang dialect), while the other is from verb to auxiliary verb (such as “guan1” in Lianjiang Yue dialect). Auxiliary verbs, descriptive complements and aspect particles referring to habitual meaning all fall into the habitual category, and they are important to the study of the habitual category in Chinese. In this paper, we examine the postverbal “guan” in Lianjiang Yue dialect within the “static– dynamic” framework of dialectal grammar research, studying its current usage as well as its evolvement. This is the new requirement for the descriptive research on dialectal grammar.
廉江粤方言存在助动词“惯1”和体助词“惯2”，分别位于动词前和动词后，都表惯常体意义。基于对两者细致的描写，我们认为廉江粤方言、贵港粤客方言的“惯”已由补语语法化为惯常体助词；广州话的补语“惯”未能进一步语法化为惯常体助词，其惯常体助词为“开”。汉语方言的惯常体标记经历了“补语>体助词”(如广州话的“开”，廉江话的“惯2”)、“动词>助动词”(如廉江话的“惯1”)两条途径。表惯常的助动词、补语、体助词，均可视为汉语惯常范畴的表现形式。这些形式专门表示惯常意义，是惯常范畴研究的重要内容。把共时静态描写和动态演变(语法化)相结合，对方言语法现象进行测试式的描写和比较，这一“静−动”结合的描写框架，是方言语法描写研究发展的新要求。
Keywords关键词
Habitual Aspect Grammaticalization Grammar description
惯常体 体貌 语法化 语法描写
Abstract 摘要
Zai wu-li (literally “in the house”) in Xiang dialect can be used to denote the progressiveness of an act in a particular time point, and the continuity or habituality of an act in a period of time, and can co-occur with adjectives to indicate a certain state. It displays a feature of low focality. Competing with zai zhe-er/na-er (meaning here/there), zai wu-li has undergone a dynamic evolution of “high focality>low focality> non-focality”, and its low focality contrasts with the high focality displayed by zai zhe-er/na-er in Xiang dialect within the imperfective system. The grammaticalization of zai wu-li is largely driven by prototype model, while mechanisms like metaphor, analogy and reanalysis also play a role. The grammaticalization process is accompanied by the enhancement of subjectivity.
湘语中的“在屋里”既能表示某一时点动作正在进行，也能表示某一时段动作的持续进行或惯常发生，还可以与形容词共现表示某种状态，呈现出“低聚焦”的特点。“在屋里”在演变过程中与“在这/那里”相互竞争，经历了“高聚焦>低聚焦>零聚焦”的动态过程，其“低聚焦”性与“在这/那里”的“高聚焦”性在非完整体内部形成对立。“在屋里”的虚化受原型模型的驱动，同时隐喻、类推和重新分析等机制发挥了重要作用，其过程同时伴随主观性增强的特征。
Keywords关键词
Xiang dialect Imperfective 例ocality Grammaticalization
湘语 非完整体 聚焦度 语法化
Abstract 摘要
Based on the framework of the Qièyùn (切韵) system, this paper explores phonological distinctions between Grade III and Grade IV of the Shān Shè (山攝) rhyme group, namely the Xiān (仙) and Xiān (先) rhyme, in Modern Xiang . Whether the Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction exists or not in modern Xiang dialects is still under debate. These different views constitute the primary research motivation of this paper. This paper concludes that: 1. The Xiān (仙)/Xiān (先) distinction is indeed preserved in Modern Xiang, and the phonological contrast occurs after the initials of the Jing (精) series of Middle Chinese. 2. According to the phonetic representation in Modern Xiang, Xiān (仙) could be reconstructed as *-iɑn and Xiān (先) as *-ian. 3. By comparing with other proto dialects, we reconstruct the contrast of *-iɑn and *-ian in the old Jiangdong dialect of the Six Dynasties, which establishes the close relationship between Xiang and Jiangdong dialect in history.
本文以现代湘语方言为基础，利用《切韵》框架探讨其中存在的山摄开口三四等——亦即仙韵与先韵——的音韵区别，并根据现代湘语的实际语音表现，拟测原始湘语中这一对韵母的早期形式(proto form)。关于现代湘语是否能够区分山摄仙先，学者间存在正反不同的意见。本文在前人的基础上扩大比较湘语的范围以及同源词数量，一方面证明原始湘语中仙先的语音区别，一方面拟测其原始形式。本文的结论认为：1)现代湘语中确实保存仙先的区别，并在中古精系声母及来母的环境下存在对立；2)根据现代湘语的语音表现，仙三在原始湘语可拟为*-iɑn，先四则可拟为*-ian；3)透过吴､闽､湘三个原始方言的比较，可以建立六朝江东方言*-iɑn与*-ian的对立。这个现象显示江东方言与湘语的密切关系。
Keywords关键词
Qièyùn Grade III/IV distinction Proto-Xiang Comparative method Historical linguistics
切韵 三四等之别 原始湘语 比较方法 历史语言学
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