Volume 51, No 1
Message from the Editors 编辑寄语
We are pleased to announce that Professor Jie XU (徐杰) will serve as Co-Editor of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) beginning in January 2023. A distinguished scholar in the field, Professor Xu is currently Dean of Arts and Humanities at the University of Macau. It is our honor and pleasure to have Prof. Xu take up the role of Co-Editor. We look forward to working with him.
We’d like to thank colleagues who reviewed one or more papers for JCL during the period from December 2021 to November 2022. Their names are listed on the next page. Thank you for your support.
We wish everyone a very Happy New Year!
Shengli Feng and Virginia Yip
January 2023
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses the property of voicing and releasing in coda stops in Old Chinese, which is of great significance to the phonetic types and historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages. The nature of Old Chinese is mainly based on the historical comparison between Chinese and Tibetan Languages and Chinese loan words in other languages. For example, in Ancient Tibetan the stop codas were transcribed to voiced letters. The majority of bound function words in Classical Tibetan have two variants based on whether the preceding codas are voiced or not. The /-l(-r)/ coda in the ancient Chinese northern languages and early Sanskrit-Chinese phonetic transcription comes from the /-d/ coda. Old Chinese loan words in Japanese have voiced stop codas. Modern Chinese dialects also have voiced stop codas. In addition, stop codas in Tibetan Xigaze, Balti, Lajiao and other dialects, Xifan yiyu and Qiang languages all have the nature of releasing. The “broken tone” in Chinese is caused by a released glottal stop.
本文提出上古汉语塞音韵尾具有带浊爆破的性质，这对于汉藏语的语音类型以及历史比较都有重要意义。得出上古汉语具备此性质的主要依据是汉藏语的历史比较与古汉语的借词。比如古藏文塞音韵尾转写读浊音、藏语不自主虚词根据韵尾的清浊分类，中国古代北边语言与早期梵汉对译中的/-l(-r)/尾来自/-d/尾，日本的上古汉语借词有浊塞尾，现代汉语方言存在浊塞尾。此外，藏语日喀则、巴尔提、拉郊等方言,《西番译语》以及羌语中的塞韵尾都有爆破性质。汉语的中折调就是爆破的喉塞韵尾。
Keywords 关键词
Old Chinese Stop codas Release Voicing Sound pattern Historical comparison
上古汉语 塞音韵尾 爆破 浊音 语音类型 历史比较
Abstract 摘要
The acoustic characteristics of the tense and lax contrasts have been studied extensively, and different measures were attested to be related, but few of these studies discussed different measures together and explored their relationships. Three of the eight tones in Zhoucheng Bai (i.e., T2, T6, and T7) are marked as tense tones, while the rest are lax tones. Based on Electroglottographic (EGG) and acoustic signals, this paper examined eight measures, namely fundamental frequency (F0), open quotient (OQ), speed quotient (SQ), H1*-H2*, H2*-H4*, H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, and H1*-A3*, in the data obtained from 10 Zhoucheng Bai speakers. It shows that different measures perform variously in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts. F0 well distinguishes between T6 and T1, and both EGG measures and spectral measures can differentiate between T2 and T8, but none of measures reflects the contrast of T7 and T3 for all speakers. The case of T7 and T3 suggests that the relationship between production and perception is not as straightforward as commonly assumed and needs further research. Although different measures don’t always participate in the distinction of tense and lax contrasts together and have equal contributions, they are significantly correlated with each other, which are supported by the correlation analysis.
目前已有不少研究讨论过不同语言中“松音”和“紧音”声学性质，很多参数被证实能反映松紧音的差别，但综合性讨论不同参数和参数相关性的较少。周城白语一共有8个声调，T2、T6和T7是紧调，其余被标为松调。本文录制了10位周城白语发音人的声门阻抗信号和语音信号，从EGG信号中提取了基频、开商、速度商，从语音信号中提取了H1-H2、H2-H4、H1-A1、H1-A2、H1-A3等5个参数，对比分析这些参数在白语松紧调中的表现。研究表明，不同参数在区分松紧调中的表现不同。基频(F0)能很好地区分紧调T6和松调T1，所有参数(包括从EGG信号和语音信号中提取的参数)都能区分紧调T2和松调T8，但没有一个参数能区分所有发音人的紧调T7和松调T3。T7和T3的例子表明松紧音发音和感知之间的关系并非通常认为的那么简单，值得进一步研究。所有参数并非总是都参与松紧调的区分，也未必起到相同的作用，但相关分析表明大多数参数两两之间具有显著的相关关系。
Keywords 关键词
Zhoucheng Bai Tense and lax contrast EGG measures Spectral measures
周城白语 松紧调 EGG参数 频谱参数
Abstract 摘要
Eight reconstruction systems for Old Chinese and Middle Chinese raised by Bernhard Karlgren, Wang Li, Li Fang-Kuei, Tung T’ungho, Chou Fa-kao, Zhengzhang Shangfang, Pan Wuyun and Baxter-Sagart are revisited in this paper. Taking 60 doculects of balanced Modern Chinese dialects as reference, similarities between Old Chinese, Middle Chinese and modern Chinese dialects are calculated with ASJP tools. Evolution rates for Old Chinese to Middle Chinese, Middle Chinese to Modern Chinese and the rates ratios are analysed. The results show that Zhengzhang Shangfang’s and Baxter-Sagart’s reconstructions are most reasonable and self-consistent ones among the eight systems. The author argues that, from an external perspective of diachronic change of language, analysis on similarity data and change rates may contribute to reconstruction evaluation.
本文采用ASJP模式的语档(doculect)距离计算方法，以经过平衡的60个现代汉语方言语档为参照，将高本汉、王力、李方桂、董同龢、周法高、郑张尚芳、潘悟云、白一平-沙加尔等八家构拟的上古音及中古音形成语档，对这些语档进行相似度、变化速率等数据的计算分析。结果显示，在上古、中古拟音与现代汉语方言的相似度，上古拟音到中古拟音的变化速率，上古到中古、中古到现代这两个时期的变化速率比等多个方面，郑张尚芳、白一平-沙加尔的构拟在八家中是合理性和自洽性相对最高的。本文分析认为，从语言历时变化这一外部角度，通过有关数据计算可以为古音构拟的评价提供一定的客观参照。
Keywords 关键词
Old Chinese Middle Chinese Reconstruction Similarity of doculects Evolution rate
上古音 中古音 构拟 语档相似度 变化速率
Abstract 摘要
This study calculated the functional load of Chinese tones in different contexts by using an extensive corpus and the Markov model-based “Hockett-Wang algorithm”. The results show that, compared to vowels and consonants, tones carry the smallest functional load. In tones that are associated with monosyllabic, bi-syllabic, and multi-syllabic words, the functional load is inversely related to the number of syllables in that word. In other words, the more syllables in a word, the further the functional load of tones tends to decrease. Importantly, this study reveals a close correlation between the functional load of Chinese tones and the evolution of these tones. This is evidenced by the perceived imbalance of the functional load of different tonal contrasts within contemporary Chinese, as well as by the simulation results of the drastically declining functional load of Chinese tones in diachronic. These results may suggest that the declining load of Chinese tones is indeed the underlying driver for the merger and the resulting decline in the number of Chinese tones. The conclusions of the paper may shed new light for future research in the fields of phonology, speech engineering, as well as second language teaching.
本文运用大规模语料库和基于马尔科夫模型的Hockett-Wang算法，对汉语声调音位功能负担计算的结果显示，汉语声调的功能负担在不同层面上存在差异：相较于元音辅音，声调的功能负担是最小的。从单音节词到双音节词、多音节词，声调的功能负担量与词的音节数呈现反比相关性，即随音节数量的增加，声调的功能负担趋于减小。汉语声调的功能负担由古至今呈现下降趋势。而官话方言区不同声调对立功能负担的不平衡则显示与现阶段声调合并的密切相关性，这意味着汉语声调功能负担的式微或许是汉语声调趋于合并减少的底层动因。本文的结论对音系学、言语工程及汉语声调二语教学等领域都具有启发意义。
Keywords 关键词
例unctional Load Tone Chinese Dialects Corpus Tonal Evolution
功能负担 声调 汉语方言 语料库 声调演变
Abstract 摘要
This study investigates acoustic correlates of prominence in Lizu (Tibeto-Burman). Lizu has been argued to have a hybrid prosodic system combining lexical tone on monosyllabic words and prominence patterns with stress-like and tonal characteristics on polysyllabic words, although empirical evidence is lacking. This study presents an acoustic investigation of the pitch patterns on disyllabic words in the Kala variety of Lizu (HL, HH, LH). Using the parameters of duration, intensity, and f0, it attempts to sort out different forms of prominence, and to explore their interaction with lexical tone. The measurements are taken from experimental data with eight Lizu speakers (4 male and 4 female). The acoustic results and statistical analyses suggest that the first syllable in Kala Lizu is the position of prominence in all three pitch patterns. Our results are consistent with interpreting the pitch pattern HL as more stress-like (with intensity as an acoustic correlate of stress) and the pitch patterns HH and LH as more tone-like (with stress cued by full realization of lexical tone). This study contributes to a better understanding of the prosodic organization of Kala Lizu and it also suggests methodology for further exploration of other Lizu varieties.
本研究考察里汝语中韵律突显的声学相关物。里汝语曾被认为拥有一种混合的韵律系统，结合了单音节词的声调，以及多音节词上的重音似的和声调式的突显格局，尽管缺乏相关的实证证据。本研究对木里县卡拉乡里汝语不同音高模式(HL、HH、LH)的双音节词进行了声学考察，使用音长、音强和基频的参数，确定不同类型双音节词中的突显形式，并探讨这些突显与词层面声调之间的相互关系。测量数据来自8位里汝语母语者(4男4女)的语音实验。声学结果和统计分析表明，卡拉乡里汝语的全部三种音高模式中，第一个音节都处于突显位置，HL类型的音高模式表现得更像重音(以音强为重音的声学相关物)，HH和LH类型的音高模式表现得更像声调(以词调的完整实现来体现重音)。这项研究有助于更好地理解里汝语的韵律结构，并为进一步探索其他里汝语土语提供了方法。
Keywords 关键词
Prosodic prominence Stress Tone Lizu Tibeto-Burman
韵律突显 重音 声调 里汝语 藏缅语族
Abstract 摘要
Wh-question phrases in Mandarin remain in-situ at their base position (e.g., John bought what?). Although theoretical studies show that there is a covert dependency between the in-situ question word/phrase and SpecCP, little is known how this dependency is evidenced in the processing of Mandarin wh-in-situ questions. In addition, bare Mandarin wh-phrases like shéi ‘who’ are different from complex ones like nǎge tóngxué ‘which classmate’, as the former are known as wh-indeterminates, on a par with indefinites (Cheng 1991), while the latter are considered on a par with definites (Rullmann and Beck 1998). To uncover the processing mechanism of wh-in-situ questions, we conducted two self-paced reading studies where we compared their processing behavior with that of their declarative counterparts. Specifically, and due to the claims made in the literature regarding the nature of bare and complex wh-questions, we compared bare wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained indefinites, and complex wh-questions with declarative counterparts that contained definites. Our findings show that, regardless of their bare or complex nature, wh-questions were in general processed with more cost (i.e., reading delay) than their declarative counterparts, providing evidence that a covert-dependency is built in wh-questions. In particular, based on our results we claim that after reading the core wh-element, the parser immediately starts the process of resolving the wh-question interpretation by establishing the covert dependency.
汉语普通话的特殊疑问句是在位疑问句，即疑问词的位置和陈述句对应名词的位置相同(例如“约翰买了什么？”)，并不移到句首。理论语言学的研究表明，在位的疑问词与句子左缘的SpecCP存在隐性的依存关系，但这种依存关系能否从在线句子加工中找到证据，尚不得而知。除此之外，光杆疑问词(例如“谁”)与复杂的疑问词(例如“哪个同学”)本质不同，因为前者是wh-不定指，类似于不定代词(Cheng 1991), 而后者性质与有定代词类似(Rullmann and Beck, 1998)。为了更好地揭示普通话特殊疑问句的加工机制，文章进行了两个自控步速阅读实验，来对比疑问句和对应陈述句的加工模式。具体说来，根据文献中对光杆疑问词和复杂疑问词的区分，我们分别对比了光杆疑问句和包含了对应不定代词陈述句的加工区别，以及复杂疑问句和包含了对应有定代词陈述句的加工区别。研究结果表明，尽管疑问词的性质有光杆和复杂之分，疑问句整体上都要比对应陈述句加工成本更高(即需要更多的加工时间)。这为普通话特殊疑问句中隐性依存关系的建构提供了在线加工上的证据。此外，实验的结果显示，只要阅读到wh-成分(例如“哪个”、“谁”)，被试就开始了疑问依存关系的建构，不需要读完整个词组(例如“哪个同学”)。
Keywords 关键词
Bare wh-in-situ questions Complex wh-in-situ questions Indefinites Definites Wh-dependency
光杆在位疑问句 复杂在位疑问句 不定代词 有定代词 依存关系
Abstract 摘要
The article uses the nasometer to analyze systematically the monophthongs, diphthongs, nasalized vowels, non-nasal voiced consonants, and nasal consonants of Shuangfeng dialect. Through the investigation of nasality, we find that it is a dialect with high value of nasality, and its nasality is gradually weakening. The nasality of vowels is related to the position of the tongue. The degree of nasality to the voiced consonant is related to the pronunciation position and the pronunciation method. Phonetically, the type of /l/ of Shuangfeng dialect has important significance and has age differences. From the perspective of the nasality, the types of /l/ of the elderly, middle-aged, and young speakers are respectively nasal /l/, nasalized /l/, and accented /l/. The nasality decreases with reduction of speakers’ age.
文章使用鼻音计对双峰话的单元音、复元音、鼻化元音、非鼻浊辅音、鼻辅音等进行了较为系统的分析。通过鼻化度的考察，大致发现：双峰话是一个鼻化度较高的方言，但其鼻化度处在逐渐减弱的过程中，元音的鼻化度跟舌位前后高低有关。浊辅音的鼻化度跟发音部位、发音方法有关。在语音学上，双峰话的/l/具有类型学意义，而且伴有年龄差异。从其鼻化度上看，老年发音人、中年发音人、青年发音人的/l/分别属于鼻音型、鼻化型、口音型，其鼻化度随着年龄的降低而降低。
Keywords 关键词
Xiang Dialects Shuangfeng dialect Nasality Type of lateral
湘语 双峰话 鼻化度 边音类型
Abstract 摘要
Fung Ahok, a native of Whampoa, was one of the earliest Chinese ever to visit Germany. During his stay, several German authors described the two varieties of Cantonese spoken by him and his fellow traveler, Fung Asseng, a native of Xiāngshān. Meanwhile, both Fungs themselves also produced abundant manuscripts reflecting their Cantonese phonology, which can be believed to be of great value for exploring Early Cantonese. This paper aims to investigate the various materials left by Fung Ahok and some German scholars on Cantonese transcription and thus reconstruct his personal phonology.
冯亚学来自广州东郊的黄埔，是最早造访德国的华人之一。他在德国期间，不仅曾有若干名德国作者描述过他和他的香山籍旅伴冯亚星所讲的两种粤方言，二人自己也写下了大量反映粤语音系的注音手稿。应该认为，这些材料对于探索早期粤语颇具价值。本文旨在研究冯亚学以及数位德国学者所留下的各类文献，从而重构其个人音系。
Keywords 关键词
Early Cantonese Whampoa Cantonese Romanized transcriptions of Cantonese 例ung Ahok German manuscripts
早期粤语 黄埔粤语 粤语罗马字转写 冯亚学 德语手稿
Review 书评
Excerpt 节选
1. AUTONOMOUS SYNTAX AND INTERFACE INTERACTION
When Chomsky set up the generative grammar theory framework in the 1950s, he made it clear that the same set of rules and structural representations, which he called universal grammar (UG), provide the basis for the individual grammar of every language (Chomsky 1957). The ultimate goal for establishing generative grammar is to figure out what these rules are and how they work. As means to achieve his goal, Chomsky gave up the fundamental assumptions of structuralism and divided language studies into modules such as syntax, semantics, phonetics, phonology and so on. His intention is to study each module independently without referring to the others and a new term “autonomous syntax” is created to convey this idea, illustrated by the well-known sentence “colorless green ideas sleep furiously”. He admits that this sentence is semantically absurd but insists that it is syntactically well-formed and could be studied on its own.
[…]
4. A WISH
It is not easy to find an account comprehensive enough for such complexity of the noun incorporation analysis or within the current framework of generative grammar. On the other hand, this is exactly what the UG-Iconicity Interface proposed in this book is designed to handle, since the order of V and N is determined by the meaning each compound is expected to produce and is therefore not random. The details are waiting to be worked out and it is my hope that Li will come up with a proposal soon.
Insight 洞悟与心得
Abstract 摘要
Pylkkäne把施用结构分为高低两层，为处理施用论元的跨语言语法行为提供了新的视角和分析方法。然而，其对低层施用词素ApplL的处理方法存在多重根本性问题，其中最显著的问题是在语义上把ApplL 当作VP的论元，但在句法上却当作VP的内部成分。这显然与论元关系所呈现出的句法-语义高度一致性相违背。针对这些问题，本文提出了新的解决方案，设定了ApplL的两个功能：1)引进施用论元，并界定施用论元和受事论元之间的所有者和被所有者关系；2)核查V所指称的事件是否允准所有者关系的转移。这两大功能决定了ApplL和V之间不可能存在论元关系或修饰关系，而只能把两种独立的语法信息直接叠加，共同构成相关句法成分的核心内容。令ApplL类比φ特征，V类比T，两者组合构成V-ApplL。在句法语义规则限制下，组合结果既能解释低层施用论元的语法语义行为，又能避免Pylkkänen理论的弊病。
Keywords 关键词
施用论元 论元关系 低层施用结构 所有关系转移 描写小句
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