Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol.7, (1979) 中国语言学报 7 卷 (1979)
Volume 7, No 1
This paper proposes that the aspect suffix 仔in Wu was derived from 著（着）Mc , which became the progressive suffix zhe in Mandarin. Reasons: in Early Mandarin texts the perfective le and the progressive zhe are sometimes confused; in Wu serves both these functions; MC > is regular in the older strata of Wu. The remainder of the paper discusses the semantic shift that led to the use of as a perfective suffix in Wu, and analyzes the differential development of liao (le) and zhe () in Mandarin and Wu as a case of competing change.
吴语的＂仔＂字有两种用法．一种是完成貌词尾，例如＂吃仔饭哉＂（＂吃了饭了＂），一种是持续貌词尾，例如＂骑仔马寻马＂（＂骑着马找马＂）．本文指出＂仔＂字就是＂著（着）＂字．理由有三项．（－）吴语＂着＂字的语音是 ，跟＂仔＂字相同．＂着＂字中古知母鱼韵.而鱼韵在南方方言自中古以来就是开口，＂着＂字语音的演变是：中古 > 吴语．（二）早期白话有＂著（着）＂，＂了＂两字混用的现象，可证＂着＂字曾经一度同时用来表达完成貌跟持续貌．（三）＂着＂字在唐代已用作完成补语，虚化后就会变成吴语完成貌词尾．此外本文还指出＂着＂跟＂了＂在语法演变过程中曾经竞争完成貌词尾的地位．而在普通话跟吴语中产生不同的结果．另外有若干虚词在各别的方言中也产生不同的意义跟用法。
汉语语言与文化: 同音词, 吉利话与禁忌之研究
Margaret M. Y. Sung 严棉
Many case studies illustrating the interdependency of a language and its culture have been presented in recent years; but surprisingly, little attention has been paid to the interrelationships of the Chinese language and culture.  With the hope of closing this gap, this paper presents a study of the relationship between Chinese homonyms and Chinese culture. The paper will examine how the Chinese express their culture-oriented desires by choosing words which are homonyms or rhymes for the character for the idea they want to symbolize. Further, it will detail how the Chinese avoid saying words which possess the same pronunciations as words for ill omens. The data in this paper were collected largely during personal field research in Taiwan in the summer of 1970.  Mandarin pronunciations were latinized in the Pinyin system; other dialectal expressions are transcribed in broad IPA symbols, with tone marks left out.
近十几年来, 研究语言与文化间的互赖性,已成为社会语言学的一个重要论题. 本文的目的在以汉语为题材, 讨论汉语与汉人文化之关系.汉语之拥有丰富的同音词已有很久的历史. 同音词之形成可归因于:（１）汉语语音的特性，和（２）汉语方言的历史音变．在 现代汉人社会中，人们普遍地应用同音词的语意混淆性来表示他们日常生活中风俗习惯上的希冀与祈求．在喜庆年节和乔迁时，人们以那些与吉祥词藻同音的物品或食物来馈赠或款待亲友，以期获得求吉利的效果；以忌用那些与不吉利的词藻同音的物品和禁说那些与吉祥相违的同音词汇，以期达到避邪招福的目的。
This paper is an analysis of the speech of three Henan Linxian County speakers which shows the Linxian dialect features and the communication problems they cause when these speakers communicate with speakers of Putonghua (Standard Mandarin). This analysis also shows the change in some of the dialect features, both in segmental sounds and tonal values, brought about by the popularization of PTH, though the fundamental dialect features are retained by all the three speakers.
Both characters 得 and 的 have been used to represent the particle in what Chao calls ‘predicative complements’ in sentences such as Ta zou de kuai. Inconsistencies have been found in the syntactic analyses (by Chao and Gao Ming-kai, for instance) of constructions containing predicative complements, which indeed have arisen from the non-uniformity of usage concerning the character for the particle and the subsequent confusion. This paper attempts to prove through internal structural evidence as well as cross-dialect comparison that the true identity of the particle involved is 得, which differs from the potential particle 得 in both its syntactic behavior in questions and its phonological representation with respect to stress. After a transitive verb, both the predicative particle 得 and the nominalizer 的 may occur. This is, perhaps, the source of the previous confusion. Chao’s predicative complements, complements of extent, and resultative complements (in V-R compounds) are ultimately reduced to the same underlying structure, ‘complements of result or extent’. When the complement is a sentence or a verb carrying a scalar notion (such as ‘half-dead’, ‘slow’), particle 得 which signals the meaning ‘to the effect/extent that’ occurs between the main verb and the complement (e.g., Ta qi de bansi). When the complement is a verb carrying a categorical notion (such as ‘dead’, ‘finished’), no particle occurs in between (e.g., Ta qi si le).
在＂他走 de 快＂这种句子里，de 这个虚词有时侯是写成＂得＂，也有时侯是写成＂的＂．学者们（如赵元任，高名凯二位）对这类句子的分析都不无可疑之处．本文通过文法结构上的迹象及与其它方言的比较，证明在上述包含不及物动词的句子里的＂de＂应该是＂得＂而不是＂的＂．在及物动词之后（如＂你做de对＂），述词性的＂得＂与规定词（高名凯用语; nominalizer）的＂的＂都可能出现而意义自然不同．这个述辞性的＂得＂与可能性的＂得＂在重音与问句结构上都有所不同．赵元任的述词补语，结果补语，程度补语都可以归纳到同一底层结构．＂结果与程度补语＂．当一个句子里的补语是一个子句或一个表示一种程度概念的动词（如＂半死＂，＂慢＂），则在主要动词与补语之间需要有一个表示结果或程度的虚词＂得＂（如＂他气得半死＂）．当句子里的补语是一个表示一种绝对概念的动词（如：＂死＂,＂完＂），＂得＂字就无须出现（如＂他气死了＂）。
Xiamen, Chaozhou and Hainan are the three main dialects of the Southern Min subgroup. Compared with the other two, Hainan dialect has not received much attention. Although the three dialects are quite alike and can be mutually intelligible to some extent, Hainan has some unique features in its phonological system. It is especially the tone system which has not yet been described properly. The present article is only a synchronic study, a first step, while the study of diachronic development will be discussed in another article.
This paper presents a preliminary study on the analysis of cleft sentences in Chinese. It defines what a cleft sentence is in Chinese, clarifies its structural entanglements with equation sentences, and discusses two alternative analyses. This paper does not argue for and propose any definitive solution to the problems.
Volume 7, No 2
In recent years Tai, and Li and Thompson have proposed that the word order of Mandarin Chinese is Subject-Object-Verb (SOV). This essay examines those proposals and instead suggests that Chinese is Subject -Verb-Object (SVO). It is further suggested that from Old Chinese to Modern Chinese there has been no change in the order of Verb and Object, but instead a change in the position of prepositional phrases and in the relation of verbs to nouns and adverbs.
W. South Coblin 柯蔚南
The duruo glosses in the Shuowen jiezi are an important source of material for the study of Eastern Han phonology. In the present paper these glosses, along with certain other materials, are used to reconstruct the final system of the language of the Shuowen author, Xu Shen.
The comparative rarity of foreign loans in Chinese has often been remarked on. Novotna (1967), for example, reports finding about 650 loanwords from European languages, with a further 800 hybrids (loanblends). He attributes the smallness of these figures to various linguistic factors: ‘the impermeability of the Chinese phonemic system’ and ‘the phonoideographic character of Chinese writing’. Novotna made his count ‘naturally excluding geographic names’. The present paper aims to show that the study of sinified names, personal and commercial as well as geographic, can reveal certain interesting facts about the Chinese script.
Xiamen, Chaozhou and Hainan are the three main dialects of the Southern Min subgroup. Compared with the other two, Hainan dialect has not received much attention. Although the three dialects are quite alike and can be mutually intelligible to some extent, Hainan has some unique features in its phonological system. It is especially the tone system which has not yet been described properly. The present article is only a synchronic study, a first steep, while the study of diachronic development will be discussed in another article.