Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.23 – 1995

Volume 23, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Summarizing the research achievement on the Yue dialects so far, this article presents three major topics as urgent tasks for current research: gathering as much dialectal materials as possible, comprehensive comparative study and historical research. Since the spread of the Common Language is gradually encroaching upon and may eventually replace the dialects, gathering dialectal materials is of utmost urgency, especially in the field of dialectal syntax which lags behind phonology and lexicon. For it is only with sufficient data that accurate, general and profound observations and conclusions on linguistic phenomena can be made. Through comparative dialectal studies, not only can linguistic phenomena be given proper explanation, loci of linguistic history can also be reconstructed. Through derivation of change in the consonantal endings of the Yue dialects, the important role of these dialects in explicating the process of change across Chinese dialects was emphasized, since the Yue dialects are relatively conservative in this respect and such process can be observed in its initiative stage. The study of the history of the Yue dialect has barely begun. The value of early historical documents of the C19 compiled mostly by missionaries is emphasized, through demonstration of using such materials in tracing the early syntactic characteristics of Cantonese in such structures as the negative potential form and the attributive construction.

本文总结了迄今为止粤语研究的成果,提出了三大课题作为当前粤语研究的迫切任务﹕一是大量方言资料的收集,二是综合性的比较研究,三是历史研究。鉴于普通话有逐渐取代方言的趋势,方言资料的收集,刻不容缓,尤其是落在最后头的语法,有充足的资料,才能对语言现象作出深入、准确、普遍的观察和结论。通过方言的比较研究,不但语言现象能够得到合理的解释,语言历史演变的轨迹也可以稳步重建。以粤语阳声、 入声韵 尾的变化为例,本文特别指出,研究汉语阳声、入声韵尾的历时变化过程,粤语方言可以提供宝贵的线索,因为粤语方言比较保守,这种变化还在开始的阶段,不可让人逐步追寻演变的途径。粤语的历史研究,还在起步阶段,本文以十九世纪傅教士编写的材料为例,列举否定可能式和定语结构的早期特征,说明这类资料对历史语法的研究,尤其有不容忽视的价值 。

Abstract 摘要
“This paper centers around trisyllabic tone sandhi in the Changting Hakka dialect. Many potential solutions will be shown to be unable to explain the data, including modes of rule application, rule relations, and polysyllabic tone sandhi rules. Instead, the complex tone sandhi phenomena in Changting result from the satisfaction and interaction of four constraints, namely the One Step Principle, Tonotactics, Temporal Sequence, and Set Consistency. The One Step Principle prohibits further change of a derived tone. Tonotactics is a well-formedness condition filtering out surface structures with a possible input to tone sandhi. Both the One Step Principle and Tonotactics can predict the directionality of rule application. If there is a conflict, the One Step Principle wins out. Temporal Sequence, which indicates that the default mode of rule application is iterative from left to right, comes into play in cases where the One Step Principle and Tonotactics do not get involved. Set Consistency specifies that trisyllabic strings with the same first two underlying tones share one directionality of rule application. The One Step Principle as a derivational constraint finds a piece of supporting evidence from the Huojia dialect. More interestingly, there exists a discrepancy between tonal and segmental derivation with respect to the One Step Principle in that a segment can undergo phonological rules again and again as long as their structural description is met. This discrepancy invokes some further questions, such as the theoretical motivation behind the difference between tonal and segmental derivation, and the possible cognitive basis for the One Step Principle. As well-known, African tone languages behave quite differently from Chinese dialects in the nature of tone sandhi. The issue of whether the One Step Principle holds in African tone languages is left open for future research.”

长汀客家方言的三字组颇为复杂,规律运作形式 (mode of rule application)、规律关系 (rule relations) 和多音节变调规律 (polysyllabic tone sandhi rules) 都不能提供有效的解释。事实上,三字组变调以两字组变调为基础,只需要透过四个限制(constraint),即一步原则(One Step Principle)、声调组合律(Tonotactics)、语言的时序(Temporal Sequence)、和组内一致性 (Set Consistency) 的交互作用,就可导衍出表层结构 (surface structure)。一步原则要求衍化调 (derived tone) 不得产生变调,而声调组合律则不容许在表层仍有可供变调的语境。一步原则和声调组合律均可以决定规律运作的方向,如果互有冲突,以一步原则为准。如果两者都不起作用,依照语言的时序,变调规律由左向右连续进行。组内一致性是说底层结构 (underlying) 里前两个声调一样的三字组遵循一个规律运作方向。一步原则在获嘉方言找到佐证。此外,音段衍化 (segmental derivation) 并不遵守一步原则。只要语境符合,一音段可连续产生音变。一步原则表现在声调衍化 (tonal derivation) 和音段衍化的差异有否理论上的及认知上的依据都是值得进一步探讨的课题。非洲声调语言和中国方言的变调性质殊异,因此一步原则在非洲声调语言仍否成立又是另一个研究方向。

Abstract 摘要
This article examines the system of situational reference associated with the Mandarin verb suffix V-le. It demonstrates that while V-le marks perfective aspectual distinctions, it also possesses the anchoring properties of a marker of past tense. It shows that the anchoring properties of V-le are obscured by differences between Mandarin and English in the reference point that serves as the axis of orientation for past tense marking and in the range of verb types that accept the past tense morpheme. Finally, it demonstrates an overlap in the systems of aspect and tense in Mandarin in which the system of tense incorporates basic aspectual distinctions.

本文检验与汉语动词后缀,<动词+了>有关的情景指称系统。结果表明,当<动词+了>表示完成态,它也具有过去时态标志的固定性质。这种<动词+了>的固定性质因为汉英两种语言的指称点不同而变得模糊。这个指称点则是过去时态标志的轴心,也是接受过去时态词素的动词类型范围的轴心。最后本文还阐明了汉语时态和动态系统的一种重叠,时态系统和动态系统的要素相合并。

Abstract 摘要
The invention of fǎnqiè 反切 is an important event in Chinese phonology. Two possible sources, the indigenous tradition and the outside influence, are discussed. Arguments are put forward to support the thesis that fǎnqiè was invented under the influence of Indian script. The parallel between fǎnqiè and the spelling method of Kharohī script is new evidence strengthening the thesis. By studying the specifics of fǎnqiè’s origin, this paper aims to fill a gap in the history of Chinese linguistics.

反切的发明是研究汉语音韵的一件大事。本文讨论了本土传统及外来影响两种看法,认为后者直接促成了反切的发明。重要的佐证来自比较印度Kharohī文字的拼音方法与反切的切音原则;两者相类之处是外来影响说的有力支持。经由反切源起的探讨本文希望把中国语言学史上的一段空缺填补起来。

Abstract 摘要
This paper tries to account for the correlations between the Mandarin BA construction and its distributional properties in terms of transitivity. First, with a BA construction, the nominal immediately following BA cannot have a non-specific reading. Second, no monosyllabic verb can co-occur with the BA construction without an aspect marker, a verbal quantifier, reduplicating the verb, etc. It is hypothesized that these properties simply follow from the fact that BA functions to mark a high degree of transitivity. Cross-linguistic evidence will be given to show that word order, referential properties of the syntactic object, and the temporal structure of a sentence all have a bearing on the notion of transitivity. They co-vary to indicate a higher or lower degree of transitivity (Hopper & Thompson 1980). The second part of the paper gives a brief review of the history of BA and attempts to show that it was about the turn of this century that BA became totally grammaticalized into a preposition-like marker of high transitivity from its original verbal uses and its derived use in Middle Chinese as a patient marker.

本文通过应用动词及物性的理论观点,着重研究把字句的句法分布特点,如紧接着把字的名词不能泛指,把字句中的单音节动词在没有重叠的情况下,必须与时态助动词或数量结构同时使用等等等等。世界上很多语言,动词宾语的词序和所指意义以及句子时貌结构的不同,均与及物性意念高低有关。本文的第二部分讨论把字在中古作为受事标记的用法并指出把字作为一个介词性表及物性高的标记的有关用法,是在十九世纪才完全虚化而成。

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Volume 23, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Quantification and classification/qualification each have been called the main function of numeral classifiers in different scientific approaches. This study introduces new evidence for this debate by comparing the Chinese numeral classifiers with the radicals of the Chinese script showing that the quantifying function clearly determines the qualifying categories of the numeral classifiers. The two systems are both examples of prototypical classification developed in the course of Chinese history. Some of the differences found can be accounted for by different times of origin and the fact that radicals belong to the script while classifiers belong to the spoken language. But only the lack of a quantifying function in the radical system can explain, why some important categories of the classifier system such as “shape” and “part of object” are not employed in the radical system, while the criterion of “material” –not useful for individualization–is used in the radical system, but not in the classifier system.

汉语个体量词和汉字部首都具有分类 (classification) 的功能。本文首先对 Tai (1992) 及其它作者对汉语量词确定的语义范畴,如 “种类” (type)、 “材料“ (material) 等进行了详尽的描述。然后介绍了汉字部首系统,并将它与汉语个体量词,就它们形成发展过程中的规律及其适用范围等方面,做了结构性的比较。通过比较,找出了两者之间存在的相似之处(如在原型种类( prototype) 上的相似)与不同之处 (如量词除分类功能之外,还有表量功能,而汉字部首则没有这个功能),从而加深了我们对这二个分类系统的认识。

Abstract 摘要
Bushi, the negative form of the focus marker shi, is generally considered to appear in an instance of anaphiric negation, in which the negative element signals an objection to a prior utterance. This paper sets out to argue that other than rejecting a previous utterance, bushi is a negative focus marker since it has to refer to an aspect of the utterance in question. A clause of rejection when coupled with a clause of rectification constitutes a construction of contrastive negation, of which the archetype is bushi X shi Y or shi Y bushi X. A construction of contrastive negation often lends itself to the use of metalinguistic negation, which is about the appropriate use of word(s). Both Metalinguistic Negation and different forms of Contrastive Negation have been studied in this paper. Finally, the study shows that the negative focus marker is insensitive to certain syntactic constraints which are observed by the negative operators bu and mei(you).

本论文的主旨在于讨论重点指示词 “是” 的否定词 “不是” 的特性及其涵盖分布性。作为重点否定词,“不是” 可以出现于后设否定结构或对比结构中。在对比否定结构中,又可以有:“紧缩式” 和 “附加式” 两种省略句构。 最后,就语法的限制而言,有些明显对 “不” 、“没有” 所设的限制并无法在 “不是” 上面起作用。文中亦讨论到当 “是” 不作为连接动词时有两种作用:作为重点指示词。当“是”作为重点指示词时,它的否定词是 “不是”; 而当 “是” 作为肯定词时,它的 否定词则是 “不” 或 “没有”。

Abstract 摘要
Subjects drawn from three age bands completed a lexical comprehension test for Cantonese. The test required subjects to select a target word from three distractors. Age effects emerged on the test. Factors which had to be considered in the interpretation of this effect included, in addition to age, educational and occupational level, and language history. Older subjects had particular difficulty in making tonal discriminations. Tonal confusions occurred when tone pairs had similar heights, contours or both. The possibility that older subjects have difficulty in making tonal discriminations when words are presented in isolation is discussed. The importance of placing a lexical item in a linguistic context in order to provide relative tonal information for older subjects is considered.

三种不同年龄组的被试完成一项广州话词汇理解测验。此测验要求被试从三个偏差项目中选出目标词汇。 测验中发现了年龄的影响。除了年龄因素外,另外三项可能影响词汇理解能力的因素如教育程度,职业及语言背景亦需要考虑。 年龄较大的被试在分辨声调时有特别困难。当两个声调具有相似水平,轮廓或两者兼备,声调混淆的情况便会出现。文中讨论了年纪较大的被试在分辨单字的声调时出现困难的可能性,亦考虑了将单字放在语言环境内对年龄较大的被试取得声调整资料的重要性。

Abstract 摘要
This paper attempts at a unified analysis of the properties of the sentence-final ba in relation to Gricean general principles of human communication. The results of the analyses presented in the paper indicate that the presence of the sentence-final particle ba in an expression disturbs the neustic of the sentence. More specifically, ba weakens the neustic in declaratives and imperatives, and the combination of ba and non-particle interrogatives gives rise to a reinforced neustic. It is assumed that all sentence-final particles disturb the neustic, and this paper further compares the sentences ending in particles such as a, ma and ne with the ba-ending ones. It is concluded that depending on the type of the main clause and the degree of disturbance, final particles give rise to a variety of nuanced expressions appropriate to different talk exchange circumstances. As a by-product, the result of the analyses suggests that there exist hierarchies in the classification of illocutionary forces on the basis of the combination of the neustic and tropic.

本文以古赖思学派 (Gricean) 的语用学理论为依据,对句尾语气助词“吧”的用法进行了分析。分析表明“吧”在句子中干扰“neuslic”(句子中表说话人意向的成分)。概而言之,根据句子主要成分及“neuslic”所受干扰程度的不同,句尾语气助词可使讲话人的言词和语气具有各种各样丰富的感情色彩。所有语气助词都有干扰“neuslic”的作用,因此,本文对“吗”、“呢”和“啊”这几个具备疑问性质的语气助词也进行了分析,并与“吧”做了比较。

Abstract 摘要
The present paper deals with the word nong (侬) in the dialects of southeast China. First, we examine the geographical distribution of nong in southeast China and the phonetic/semantic development of nong. We point out that the original meaning of nong is the clan name and the ethnonym of the Baiyue nationality. Nong as a substratum word, still remains in some modern southeast dialects. Its meaning has developed to “person”, “ethnonym” and “the first person pronoun” after the Baiyue nationality was assimilated by the Han nationality. Second, in some southeast dialects nong (Dong 冬 final) is spelled as the Deng 登 final, which reflects the fact that there was an unrounding of the Dong final in some early period and the unrounded sound of the southeast dialects was eroded by pressure from the more prestigious rounded sound further north, resulting in survival of the unrounded sound only in relic forms in the colloquial layers of the modern southeast dialects. This conclusion demonstrates that an understanding of historical layering in the history of Chinese dialects can correct inadequacies in the classical comparative method. Third, there are very complicated personal pronoun systems in the modern Wu dialects. The major reasons are: 1) The ancient Wu dialects had their own system of personal pronouns which was different from the Mandarin. Later on, however, the Wu dialects were gradually eroded by the more standard dialects from the north, and the northern forms of personal pronouns became prevalent in Wu step by step. So the two levels of personal pronouns overlap each other. 2) When the new forms of personal pronouns from the north entered the Wu dialects, there was competition between the old forms and new forms in the same dialects, and the two forms influenced each other. As a result of the competition, the system of the personal pronouns in some Wu dialects is irregular. 3) As personal pronouns constitute one kind of function words, their pronunciations have undergone an unusual change which makes the system of the personal pronouns in the Wu dialects more and more complicated. 4) Combining shi 是 with the personal pronouns yields the stressed case of the personal pronouns.

北部吴语的 “侬”用于第二人称,可说是最具有吴语特色的语词。可是,凡是熟悉中国古典作品的人都会知道,古代的吴地是以“侬”作为第一人称的。为什么“侬”字会从古代的第一 人称变作现代的第二人称呢?

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