Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.35 – 2007

Volume 35 No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
A long-running debate in Chinese psycholinguistics has concerned the relative roles of semantics and phonology in reading Chinese characters. Some researchers argue that character reading requires activation of phonological representations, while others maintain the traditional view that Chinese readers generally access meanings directly without phonological mediation. This paper describes an experiment that addresses this debate from a novel direction: Chinese readers were asked to report what they know about simple characters with unfamiliar meanings and/or pronunciations. The “phonology-first” view predicts that it should be impossible to know the meaning of a character without knowing its pronunciation, while the “semantics-first” view predicts that it should be impossible to know the pronunciation of a character without knowing its meaning. Our experiment showed that both situations can exist, though with quantitative and qualitative differences: knowing the pronunciation without knowing the meaning is a somewhat more common occurrence, though it arises most often with characters that share a phonological component with other characters, while knowing the meaning without the pronunciation most often occurs when readers have an alternative (nonstandard) pronunciation for the character or when the character is used as a quasi-linguistic symbol. Moreover, a signal detection analysis found no difference in sensitivity to meaning vs. pronunciation. At the same time, however, readers were strongly biased in their confidence judgments about phonology. Our results thus reaffirm support for a more nuanced position in the debate over Chinese reading, one where both phonology and semantics play key roles in reading.

 

在中文的心理语言学研究上,语意和语音在阅读中的相对角色一直是长久以来的争议。有些研究者认为阅读汉字时需要音韵表征的作用;而有些仍持传统看法,认为读者可以直接提取语意,不需要音韵作为媒介。本实验从一个创新的角度来探讨这个议题。我们请受试者报告他们对不熟悉意义或发音的独体汉字的了解。依照「音韵优先」的看法,知道意义而不知道发音是不可能的;依照「语意优先」的看法,则知道发音而不知道意义是不可能的。我们的实验结果显示这两种情况都可能存在,但有质与量的不同。知道发音而不知道意义是比较普遍的情形,通常发生在有同样声符的汉字;而知道意义却不知道发音的情形通常发生在当受试者认为该汉字还有其它发音,或此汉字实际上是代表某个字的符号,并不是真的语言。此外,在讯息侦测分析中,我们发现语意和发音在敏感度上并无不同。然而,受试者却对音韵判断有较强的信心。在中文阅读研究的争议中,我们的实验结果再度肯定这个更精细与周全的立场:音韵和语意两者都在阅读上扮演着关键的角色。

 

 

Keywords 主题词

Characters 汉字 Writing systems 书写系统 Reading 读取 Phonology 音韵 Semantics 语义 Psycholinguistics 心理语言学

Abstract 摘要
Recent theories of language change have drawn heavily on models of biological change. Unlike old Stammbaum models, the new model accounts for language-contact induced change as part of the same processes at work in non-contact induced change. This paper describes the model and supports it with data from contact-induced syntactic change in Chinese dialects. The model proves to be a powerful explanatory tool for the syntactic hybridization data from Chinese dialects.

最近几年的语言演变理论大量地依靠生物学演变的模式(model)。与传统的“干枝”(Stammbaum)模式不同,这一新的理论模式阐述语言接触引起的语言演变与非语言接触引起的语言演变是同样的过程。本文拟以汉语方言里的语言接触引起的句法演变资料为依据,阐述这一新的理论模式。对于解释汉语方言里的混合句法,这一新的理论模式将是一种强有力的注释工具.

 

Keywords 关键词

Language change 语言变化 Language contact 语言接触 Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Syntax 语法

 

Abstract 摘要
By historical strata comparison, we analyse the -n/-t endings of Zeng-group and Geng-group in Minnan dialects. We point out that in fact this stratum is an old literary layer in Minnan dialects. We find it also exists in Hakka-gan dialects, Hangzhou dialect, South East Mandarins, Jianghuai Mandarins extensively. In Sino-annamite, there are some similarities to Minnan dialects. Basing on our new findings, we believe that in Song dynasty, the endings of Zeng-group and Geng-group in north china mandarin are read -ȵ/-ȶ, rather than -ŋ/-k, though those special endings in north mandarin disappear completely now. We also verify that the special endings of Zeng-group and Geng-group are caused by front vowel i.

本文通过历史层次比较,分析闽南话曾、梗摄的-n/-t 韵尾。我们发现,曾、梗摄这一历史层次广泛存在于客赣语,杭州官话,西南官话,江淮官话,汉越语也有类似的情况。我们可以证明,在宋代,作为权威方言的中原官话,曾、梗摄也是广泛地读为-ŋ/-k 韵尾。我们还论证了曾、梗摄的 -ȵ/-ȶ 韵尾是前元音i引起的腭化。

 

Keywords 关键词

Minan dialects 闽南方言 Zeng-group and Geng-group 曾梗摄 Palatal endings 舌面音 Stratum 层次

Abstract 摘要
This paper accounts for the evolution of the bei constructions in Mandarin Chinese and its relation to grammaticalization. It argues that it is not until the period of the Six Dynasties that bei in “bei + V” got reanalyzed and grammaticalized as a passive marker. Before this period, the form “bei + V” is not a real passive construction; rather, it is a serial verb construction with a passive meaning as expressed by the lexical verb bei. The paper also argues that the reanalysis of bei as a passive marker paves the way for the emergence of the “bei + agent + V” construction in the Six Dynasties period by modeling the wei forms. Bei in this construction is primarily a passive marker, but at the same time it also functions as a preposition introducing the agent. Finally, the paper argues that the development of the passive bei constructions in Mandarin Chinese supports the principles of layering, persistence, and divergence in grammaticalization, and that in Modern Chinese, bei in “bei + V” is an acategorial grammatical word and bei in “bei + agent + V” is a preposition.

本文阐述了“被”字结构的演变过程以及该过程与语法化的关系。文章的主要论点如下。(1)直到六朝时期“被 + 动词”中的“被”才被再分析为被动式的标志,在此之前,“被 + 动词”不是真正的被动结构。(2)“被”的再分析为在六朝时期根据“为”的形式类推产生“被 + 施事 + 动词”结构铺平了道路。(3)在从实词变为虚词的过程中,“被”首先从一个体动词变为一个心动词,然后从心动词变为被动式的标志。在后一转变中,再分析起了决定性的作用。(4)“被”字结构在汉语中的演变验证了语法化理论中的层次说,持续说和趋异说。(5)在现代汉语中,“被 + 动词”中的“被”是个无类属的虚词,而“被 + 施事 + 动词”中的“被” 是个介词.

 

Keywords 关键词

Passive construction 被动结构 Bei construction “被”字结构 Passive marker 被动句标志 Reanalysis 再分析 Grammaticalization 语法化

Abstract 摘要
It is physiologically impossible for the same set of vocal chords to simultaneously produce two distinct and different pitch contours. Thus when singing songs from a tonal language such as Mandarin, it is likely that there will be conflicts between articulation of the linguistic tone and the articulation of the musical melody. Envisage for example, a syllable that is linguistically specified for a rising tonal contour being associated to a melody requiring a falling contour or a flat contour. In such a situation, satisfaction of the melody would result in incomprehensibility of language. The reverse is equally devastating since then song would be totally superfluous. Nonetheless, a survey of Mandarin songs indicates that linguistic tones are often not faithfully preserved in tune, consequently giving rise to the question on how listeners are able to decipher the words that are sung. This paper argues that the crux of the matter lies in the identification of two elements, headship in music and headship in linguistic tones. A head, in music or language, is a special position where the features of the residing element are prominent. In essence, it is the preservation of contrasts between prominent features at these special positions that listeners of Mandarin songs are able to reconstruct the lyrics from partial segmental and tonal information.

汉语声调有认字辨意的作用,所以要理解汉语或运用汉语,辨认调值是很重要的。人只有一副声带,在歌唱中必须靠它来表达旋律线条,也必须靠它来发出正确的声调。试想,一个调形上扬的音节配上下抑或者平坦的旋律线的情形。在这种环境下,保留旋律线则辨认字会有很大的困难。反之,保留调值则违反了歌唱的基本意义。可是,事实上唱腔与字调经常没有完善的对应。这便是演唱中所必然涉及到的腔词关系。本文通过对十首歌曲腔词关系的比较,发现旋律中字调调值的保留有赖于﹕(i)确认旋律线中主要音位位置﹔(ii)通过语言学音系学确认字调声调线条的主要特征﹔(iii)旋律层中的各个音高对比,必须反映出歌词层中的字调对比。

 

Keywords 关键词

Chinese tones 汉语声调 Chinese songs 汉语歌曲 Tone-tune correspondence 腔词对应 Phonology 音系

Review 书评

Abstract 摘要
It is physiologically impossible for the same set of vocal chords to simultaneously produce two distinct and different pitch contours. Thus when singing songs from a tonal language such as Mandarin, it is likely that there will be conflicts between articulation of the linguistic tone and the articulation of the musical melody. Envisage for example, a syllable that is linguistically specified for a rising tonal contour being associated to a melody requiring a falling contour or a flat contour. In such a situation, satisfaction of the melody would result in incomprehensibility of language. The reverse is equally devastating since then song would be totally superfluous. Nonetheless, a survey of Mandarin songs indicates that linguistic tones are often not faithfully preserved in tune, consequently giving rise to the question on how listeners are able to decipher the words that are sung. This paper argues that the crux of the matter lies in the identification of two elements, headship in music and headship in linguistic tones. A head, in music or language, is a special position where the features of the residing element are prominent. In essence, it is the preservation of contrasts between prominent features at these special positions that listeners of Mandarin songs are able to reconstruct the lyrics from partial segmental and tonal information.

汉语声调有认字辨意的作用,所以要理解汉语或运用汉语,辨认调值是很重要的。人只有一副声带,在歌唱中必须靠它来表达旋律线条,也必须靠它来发出正确的声调。试想,一个调形上扬的音节配上下抑或者平坦的旋律线的情形。在这种环境下,保留旋律线则辨认字会有很大的困难。反之,保留调值则违反了歌唱的基本意义。可是,事实上唱腔与字调经常没有完善的对应。这便是演唱中所必然涉及到的腔词关系。本文通过对十首歌曲腔词关系的比较,发现旋律中字调调值的保留有赖于﹕(i)确认旋律线中主要音位位置﹔(ii)通过语言学音系学确认字调声调线条的主要特征﹔(iii)旋律层中的各个音高对比,必须反映出歌词层中的字调对比。

 

Keywords 关键词

Chinese tones 汉语声调 Chinese songs 汉语歌曲 Tone-tune correspondence 腔词对应 Phonology 音系

Memoriam 缅怀

Article 文章

Volume 35 No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Cross-linguistic corpora of speech errors in Dutch, English, German, and Mandarin are examined for evidence regarding the cognitive knowledge of Mandarin speakers in terms of representation and processes of their phonology and mechanisms in language processing. Corpus analysis in Mandarin slips shows that the speech mechanisms in relation to types of errors and classification are universal, whereas the causes of error are language-specific. Evidence from Mandarin slips confirms a number of systematic patterns found in Germanic languages in which the majority of speech errors are phonological errors, substitution errors occur more frequently than addition and omission errors, the source unit that influences the production of the target unit usually occurs within the context of the utterance, and the distance between them generally does not exceed seven syllables. The discrepancy between Mandarin and Germanic languages shows up most clearly in the treatment of directionality of errors. Evidence from Mandarin slips shows that perseverative errors occur more frequently than anticipatory errors in both segmental and tone errors. Issues as to whether such lapses provide evidence regarding the cognitive processes involved in speaking will be suggested. This study aims to show the value of speech-error evidence for use in comparison with cross-linguistic findings, and how such findings are incorporated in phonological constructs and psycholinguistic models of speech production planning

本研究旨在利用汉语、荷兰语、英语及德语等跨语言语误语料库探讨汉语使用者在心理底层层面及处理历程认知结构与其它西方语言之异同比较。本文发现由语误分类的概况及语言单位的分布情形来看,语言机制显示出一致的通用性,然而语误的来源结构却反映出汉语语言本身的独特性。特别值得一提的是在西方语言语误的同化方向性通常是由右至左的逆向同化较为普遍,而本文则发现,汉语语误较倾向于由左至右的顺向同化。由汉语语误语料的分布排列情形可推演出音韵基本结构及心理语言处理历程。

 

Keywords 关键词

Speech Errors 语误 Phonology 音韵学 Directionality 方向性 Psycholinguistics 心理语言学 Mandarin 普通话

Abstract 摘要
This paper is a preliminary survey of verb complement constructions in Dongshi Hakka, a spoken dialect in the central part of Taiwan. Dongshi Hakka is thought to derive from Dapu Hakka in Kuangdong and differs from the more predominant Sixien or Hailu Hakka in Taiwan. Two kinds of data sources are used in this paper. One is materials gathered from the fieldwork by the author, and the other is the colloquial materials recorded in seven volumes of 東勢鎮客語故事集 [A collection of Dongshi Hakka stories]. In this paper, the five subtypes of verb complement constructions in Dongshi Hakka, namely, resultative, directional, manner, potential, and degree complement, are described. In addition, some characteristics are discussed and explained from grammaticalization and diachronic Sinitic grammar viewpoints. For example, it is argued that the special ‘V kin3(緊) Cd’ construction is probably equivalent to the ‘V+Jiang(將)+Cd’ construction in the Early Mandarin, and that pi2, the fusion form of pun1 ki2, functioning as a manner complement marker is grammaticalized from the causative meaning of the verb pun1

 

本文是对东势客家话动补结构的初步考察。东势镇位于台中县中部偏东,其客家话与台湾通行的四县与海陆客家话不同,属于来自广东大埔的大埔客家话。本文使用两种语料来源,一为田野调查所得的一手资料,一为东势文化工作者采集记录、保留珍贵口语语料的《东势镇客语故事集》。本文分别描述动补结构的几个次类──结果补语、趋向补语、状态补语、可能补语与程度补语──在东势客家话的表现。除分项描述其语义/语法特色外,本文并从汉语史与语法化的角度讨论东势客家话动补结构的若干现象。如动结式中否定词和副词的位置可以反映动词和补语的复合程度,以及补语的语法化程度;东势客家话特殊的「V紧Cd」结构可能相当于近代汉语里的「动-将-趋」结构;「分佢」的合音‘pi2’作为状态补语标记来源于致使义动词的语法化;以及可能补语的宾语位置反映唐宋时期的语序,并产生出类推而来的新形式「VO得C」等等。

 

 

Keywords 关键词

Dongshi Hakka 东势客家话 Complement construction 动补结构 Diachronic grammar 历史语法 Grammaticalization 语法化

Abstract 摘要
The reading-meaning correspondences in poyin zi (破音字) have never been clear-cut in Middle Chinese as well as in Modern Pekinese. Results of surveys of actual pronunciations of ‘poyin zi’ and one-reading characters in Pekinese renders the term ‘poyin zi’ almost meaningless. This paper attempts to prove that the different pronunciations of such characters are historical layers in the process of sound change and are still subject to further sound change. The formation of particular ‘poyin zi’ has been entirely fortuitous, as revealed in cross-dialectal comparisons. A ‘poyin zi’ ought to be studied in its entirety rather than divided into separate ‘lexemes’, because such a division will obstruct our vision of the path of the sound change. Supporting this view, I argue that the 2nd and 3rd editions of Hanyu Fangyin Zihui are descriptive in nature and have encoded large numbers of deviations from the prescribed norms, which its first edition subscribed to. Deviations are commonplace today and must have been even more commonplace at any point in history in the absence of any broadcast norms. Qieyun (Guangyun) may very well have been descriptive like the latter editions of Zihui. To view Qieyun as a prescriptive dictionary necessarily entails a ‘compromise~collective’ interpretation.

 

从中古音到现代北京音,多音字 (多音多义字) 的音义对应几乎从来没有清楚的分界。而字典里的一读字在实际语音里却往往有所分歧。本文证明多音字只是音变的历史层次而且音变还会继续进展。一个字在不同方言里读音的比较显示多音字的产生的偶然性及暂时性。因此音变的研究应当把一个字中古的多音多义的发展一并检视,如果以表面的语义差异来分割一个字,结果只能看到该字音变的一斑,看不到全豹。《汉语方音字汇》第二、三版是描述性的记录;而第一版则显然是官方的规范音。今日口语里,声调不稳定,中古音里应当是更不稳定;因为没有广播与电视的示范。《广韵》应当就如《字汇》第二、三版,是描述性的记录。如果把《广韵》看成是规范性质的,就只好找出‘综合性质’一类的解释来使这个系统合理化.

 

 

Keywords 关键词

Pekinese 北京话 Sound change 音变 Phonology 音韵 Multiple-reading characters 破音字 Tones 声调 Dialects 方言

Abstract 摘要
There is a common phenomenon that some coverbs (prepositions) have been gradually replaced by other functionally similar coverbs in the development of Chinese language, such examples like the locative coverbs YU, ZHI and JI have been replaced by ZAI. Different theories have been proposed to account this phenomenon of replacement. Given that the major function of language is for communication, I believe that the interaction of speaker and hearer, especially the speaker’s role in the communication is the motivation for the replacement. This study has demonstrated that the speaker’s expressivity motivates the replacement through a special case study on JI which has evolved from a verb to a coverb, to a conjunction and eventually disappeared in modern spoken Chinese. The failure of JI when it competes with its synonyms YU, ZAI and YUU is because its meaning and function are too narrow. The replacement of YU by other more specific function words is because of its over-generalized meaning and function which cause ambiguity. The disappearance of JI and replacement of YU by other function words is that these two words are insufficient in terms of expressivity.

 

在汉语发展史中,常见到一个现象就是一些词渐渐被其它功能相同的词所代替,比如处所介词“于/于",“至”和“及”被“在”所代替。很多语言学家运用不同的理论来解说这种“词汇替换”的现象。由于语言的主要功能是用来交际,所以“词汇替换”的动力应该是说话人和听话人的互动,而说话人的作用尤为重要。本篇文章通过“及”由一个动词变成一个介词,又成为一个连词,最后在现代汉语口语中消失的变化过程来证明说话人的“表达性”推动了“词汇替换”,进而解释“及”字在与其同义词“于/于”,“在”和“与”字的竞争过程中因其语义和功能过于狭小而失败。而“于/于”字由于因其语义和功能过于宽泛,易于引起歧义,故被其它意义更为具体的功能词所替换。“及”字的消失和“于/于”的功能被替代都因其“表达性”不足所致.

 

 Keywords 关键词

Classical Chinese 古汉语 Replacement of function words 功能词替换 Motivation of change 变化动力 Expressivity 表达力 Specialization 专门化

Abstract 摘要
Taiwanese Southern Min abounds with verbal complexes. Among them, phasal complexes, resultative complexes, and directional complexes are alike in that their second component denotes some sort of result. Moreover, they behave similarly in that they can occur in V-hoo-V, V-e/be-V, and V-bo-V forms. Despite these similarities, they still differ from one another in several aspects, such as whether objects are allowed inside or after the verbal complex, whether infixing signals change of their basic meaning, etc. This paper examines their individual properties and proposes that these three types of verbal complex are all different from one another in their formation, which then explains the differences in their syntactic behavior. Directional complexes are syntactic phrases, resultative complexes are compounds derived in the syntax, and while some phasal complexes are also syntactically derived compounds, the others are compounds formed in the lexicon. This paper aims to argue that words (or compounds in this case) can be formed in the syntax as well as in the lexicon.

 

复合结构、以及趋向复合结构的第二成份皆表示结果。此外,他们皆可以V-hoo-V, V-e/be-V, V-bo-V 的形式出现。虽在这几方面相似,他们却也有其相异处。例如宾语是否可置于复合词之内或之后,又插入中缀后是否导致意思的改变,在这些方面他们大不相同。本篇论文探讨他们各自的特点,并提出他们三类皆经由不同的衍生方式形成,藉此来解释他们在句法行为上的差异。研究的结果显示,趋向复合结构为在句法层面生成的词组,结果复合结构则是在句法层面生成的复合词。至于时相复合结构则是部分在句法层面生成,部分在词库中衍生而来。本论文的目的在于提出词(复合词)除在词库中衍生之外,亦可在句法层面生成。

 

 Keywords 关键词

Phsal complex 时相复合结构 Resultative complex 结果复合结构 Directional complex 趋向复合结构 Taiwanese southern Min 台湾闽南语

Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses the semantic difference between the two imperfective markers in Mandarin, the progressive marker zai and the durative marker zhe, and how their semantic difference influences temporal relations. It is argued that the progressive zai presents an event ongoing at an instant whereas the durative zhe describes a homogeneous eventuality lasting over an interval larger than an instant. The Imperfective Paradox stipulates that an event presented by zai does not have to come to an end. Therefore, the narrative time of an event presented by zai cannot be advanced. zhe can only go with homogeneous eventualities, i.e. stage-level states and activities, neither of which has a natural final endpoint to reach and therefore has no Imperfective Paradox. Though an eventuality presented by zhe does not have a natural final endpoint to reach, it can last long enough for another event to come to an end. That is, the narrative time of an eventuality presented by zhe can be advanced only when another event reaches its end during the interval over which the eventuality presented by zhe lasts. Besides, this paper also argues that by default a situation presented by zai or zhe serves as a temporal background and provides a temporal frame in which another event takes place or another eventuality holds.

本文讨论汉语进行貌标记「在」及持续貌标记「着」的语意差异,及从语意差异而来的、对时序关系的影响。本文提出,进行貌「在」为标示一个事件在某个时间点上进行,而持续貌「着」则描述一个同质的事件或状态持续了一段时间。未完成悖论预测了「在」所标示的事件并抵达其自然终点,因此,由「在」所呈献的事件的叙述时间不能被推进。「着」所描述的事件或状态必需为同质的,没有自然终点可以抵达,故与未完成悖论无关。虽然「着」所描述的事件或状态没有自然终点可以抵达,但是,可以持续一段时间而在这一段时间中可以有另一个事件抵达其自然终点。因此,只要「着」所描述的事件或状态持续够久,能让另一事件抵达其自然终点,则「着」所描述的事件或状态的叙述时间则可推进。此外,本文亦提出,在没有其它讯息相抵触的情况下,「在」和「着」所描述的事件或状态提供了一个预设的时间背景,同一篇章中的其它事件或状态则发生、持续于此一时间背景之中.

 

Keywords 关键词

Semantics of imperfective markers in Mandarin 汉语未完成貌标记的语义 Temporal relation 时序关系 Interface between semantics and pragamatics 语义和语用的界面 Aspects 时貌

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