Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.44 – 2016

Volume 44, No 1

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Japhug is a language with ergative alignment on NP arguments and direct-inverse verbal indexation. However, this paper, 1 through a detailed description of relativizing constructions in Japhug, shows the existence of accusative pivots and proposes an unambiguous definition of ‘subjects’ and ‘objects’ in this language.

 

茶堡话有作格格局的格标记,同时在动词上有正向/反向类型的人称范畴。虽然在动词和名词形态上没有主格/宾格格局,但通过对关系句的仔细考察可以证明茶堡话有非常清楚主格/宾格格局的句法枢纽,在这些枢纽的基础上可以提出对“主语”和“宾语”明确不含糊的定义。

 

Keywords 关键词

Japhug 茶堡话 Relativization 关系句 Subject 主语 Object 宾语 Syntactic pivot 句法枢纽

Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to present a novel picture of the left periphery in Shanghainese with special reference to the position of topic. We find that, contrary to Xu 徐 & Liu’s 刘 (2007) “major-vs.-sub-vs.-sub-sub-topic” distinction, all TopPs in Shanghainese land outside IP. The only landing site for pre-posed adverbs is Spec-TopP (rather than an independent Mod(ifier)P). Int(errogative)P is always generated lower than TopP. The difference between NP topics and AdvP topics lies in that the former can be headed by both spelt (with lexical topic marker) and silent (with comma intonation) heads, while the latter can only land in the Spec position of a spelt head. We also prove that there is a lower FocP within IP in Shanghainese. The FocP in CP and that in IP, however, allows of no co-occurrence. Finally, the left periphery in Shanghainese is described as: (Foc) Top (Foc) Int (Foc)… We find that up to three topics may be allowed in this dedicated position in Shanghainese.

 

本文旨在确定与区分上海话中话题的句法位置,并对相应的左边际进行详细地描写。文章指出,上海话的话题都生成于IP外,并没有Xu 徐 & Liu 刘 (2007)所说的“主话题”,“次话题”,“次次话题”之分。Spec-TopP是前置副词在IP外的唯一位置(而不会进入ModP)。疑问层(IntP)总是生成在低于话题层(TopP)的位置。名词短语作话题与副词短语作话题的区别在于,前者可以由显性话题标记(词汇标记)和隐性话题标记(停顿)引导,而后者只能由显性话题标记引导。文章还指出,上海话IP内也有一层焦点层(FocP),但其不能与左边际中的焦点层同时出现。最后,本文将上海话的左边际描述如下:(焦点层)话题层(焦点层)疑问层(焦点层)……。

 

Keywords 关键词

Shanghainese 上海话 Topic-Comment Constructions 话题-述题结构 Interrogatives 疑问词 Adverbs 副词 Left periphery 左边际

Abstract 摘要
Dongfeng Village of Linyi City in Shandong Province, PRC, is an immigrant village formed in the 1960s as part of community relocation from Mengyin County of Shandong Province due to the building of a reservoir. This paper first provides a comprehensive description of the sound changes in the Dongfeng dialect, and has identified nine major differences between the Dongfeng dialect and the surrounding local dialect in syllable initials, finals and tones. Drawing on the theory of lexical diffusion, it then explores the pattern of spreading of sound changes from the perspectives of word frequency, competing changes and residues. As a tentative conclusion, it is posited that the sound changes in Dongfeng village over a span of 40 years are the results of the competition of the dual influence from the local dialect and Mandarin. Lexical diffusion of the various types of sound changes is not only related to word frequency, but is also sensitive to word class. The word frequency effects are significant only within word classes.

 

山东临沂市兰山区东风村是上世纪60年代因原居住地修建水库而从山东蒙阴县集体搬迁部分居民形成的一个移民村。本文* 从王士元的词汇扩散理论角度,围绕移民方言与当地方言之间声、韵、调等方面所存在的九个明显差异,全面描述了东风方言岛的音变扩散现象,并从频率与变率的关系,竞争演变与竞争残余等角度对东风移民方言岛音变扩散规律作了初步分析和探讨,认为东风移民村四十年来的语音演变是在当地方言和普通话的双重影响下的竞争性演变的结果;东风移民村音变词汇扩散状况不仅与词汇使用频率有关,而且与词类有关,频率效应在词类层面上显著。

 

Keywords 关键词

Dongfeng immigrant village 东风移民村 Immigrant dialect 移民方言 Language contact 方言接触 Lexical diffusion 词汇扩散 Competing changes and residue 竞争性演变 Word frequency and sound change 频率与变率

Abstract 摘要
In this paper I will first explore the issues centering around the evolution of the interrogative word 物 as a common source into its modern descendants mak7 and other forms in Hakka. In contrast to the more uniform form in Southern Min, varieties of Hakka boast more variants such as mak7, maɁ7 and man3. Such a variation can be accounted for in terms of minor regional difference as well as types of phonological process. The retention of the bilabial nasal initial of the word物 as a reflex of the Middle Chinese微 phonological category in Hakka lends support to the thesis of lexical diffusion that sound change is not phonologically independent but rather bears the result of interaction with lexicon. Second, on the basis of earlier Hakka texts I will examine the patterns in the distribution of the modern reflex of 物 often written as a demotic word 乜 in its capacity of a variable as a component of the complex interrogative words ‘what’, ‘who’ (=what person) and ‘why’ (=do what kind) or universal quantifiers in Hakka. The finding of the patterns of the Hakka interrogative word will be brought to bear on the patterns of its precursor in Early Modern Chinese colloquial texts. Close attention will be paid to the interaction of inherent lexical properties of the interrogative word and the grammatical constructions in which it occurs. Last of all, an attempt is made to survey the distribution and evolution of the Hakka-related物-based interrogative word in other dialectal areas.

 

本文首先以疑問詞“物”為共通源頭探討它如何演變到現代客家話的mak7和其他形式。閩南語疑問詞mih4詞形整齊劃一;客家話疑問詞卻有mak7、maɁ7、man3的詞形變體,這樣的變異可以用音韻變化和方言變體加以解釋。客家話疑問詞“物”保留中古微母的雙唇聲母這個現象支持詞匯擴散論的論點,即語音變化不單純是語音變化,而是與詞匯有互動的關係。其次,依據早期客家文本,本文檢視疑問詞“物”(俗寫做“乜”)在現代的傳承分佈情況,代表變項的“乜”貫穿於指稱物系what、who、why疑問詞或全稱量詞中。客家話疑問詞可以在近代漢語口語文本中找到淵源。疑問詞的固有詞匯屬性和出現的語法結構有互動關係。末了,本文也調查客家話物系疑問詞在其他方言區的分佈和發展。

 

Keywords 關鍵詞

WH-word 疑問詞 Evolution 演變 Typology 類型 Hakka 客家話 Southern Min 閩南語 

Abstract 摘要
There is a general belief that Yue constitutes a highly uniform dialect group, with its members sharing a good number of structures and lexica with the regional prestige dialect, Cantonese. Based on our first hand data collected from the field, this paper* describes the lesser known grammatical diversity across the Yue dialects, which can be illustrated by the different uses of the following features: (a) ideophonic suffixes; (b) diminutive suffixes and tone sandhi; (c) perfective aspect markers and their position in the VP, and (d) neutral question forms. The survey includes nine dialects from different subgroups, most of which are spoken far away from the Pearl River Delta where Cantonese dominates. Our study reveals that while Cantonese has obvious influence over other members of Yue, the grammatical diversity across Yue cannot simply be overlooked.

 

粵語長期以來都被視為一種內部差異較小的漢語方言。作為地區性權威方言,廣州話和其他粵語方言共享相當數量的語法結構和詞彙。本文根據從田野調查得來的第一手資料,指出粵語方言的語法其實存在一定程度的差異。我們考察的語法結構包括:(a) 狀貌詞後綴;(b) 小稱後綴及音變;(c) 完整體標記及其在動詞短語上的位置;(d) 中性問句。調查的範圍包括九個方言點,大部分遠離廣州話盛行的珠江三角洲地區。本文指出:雖然廣州話對各種粵語方言的確存在一些影響,但粵語方言語法的多樣性仍然不容忽視。

 

Keywords 關鍵詞

Yue dialects 粵語 Language diversity 語言多樣性 Ideophonic suffix 狀貌詞後綴 Diminutive 小稱 Perfective aspect 完整體標記 Neutral question form 中性問句   

Abstract 摘要
In Chinese some personal pronouns and demonstrative pronouns share the same origins because of the conceptual cognitive mappings existing between the personal domain and demonstrative pronoun domain. The traces of such origins can also be found in the Chinese dialects which can be divided into three main categories. There exists a systematic correspondence between first person concept and proximal deixis concept, and between second person concept and distal deixis concept in Mandarin and southeast dialects. Therefore, the second personal pronoun er (尔) evolves into na (那), and the vacancy of the third personal pronoun can only be filled in with other pronouns which have nothing to do with proximal or distal demonstrative pronouns. Because of the mental distance of the referent of the third person concept and the historically later appearance of K series of distal demonstrative pronouns in the southeast dialects, the pronouns of the “other demonstrative” type ta (他) and qi (其) of specific reference similar in sound to the N series and the K series evolve into the third personal pronouns in the two categories of dialects. The concept of the third personal pronoun in northwest dialects corresponds to that of proximal deixis and distal deixis, and because its referent is mentally far, the distal demonstrative pronoun wu/na(兀/那)is used for the third personal pronoun as well. Such mechanism comes from Altaic languages. Probably similar is the evolution mechanism of the proximal demonstrative pronoun yi (伊) for the third personal pronoun.

汉语中有些三身代词和指代词同源,是因为其人称域和指代域存在概念的认知映射。这种同源的痕迹存在于方言之中。大部分官话和东南方言的第一身、第二身概念与近指、远指概念有着系统的对应,所以其“尔”演变为第二身代词“你”和远指代词“那”,而第三身代词的空格也只有近指、远指以外的指代词来填补。由于第三身概念所指对象的心理距离远,而k系远指代词也后起于东南方言,因此与n系、k系远指代词音近的旁指、特指代词“他、其”,分别演变为两类方言的第三身代词。西北方言的第三身概念曾对应近指和远指概念,而今多以远指代词“兀/那”兼指第三身,其产生的机制来自阿尔泰语系。近指的“伊”演变为闽语第三身代词的机制可能与之类似。

Keywords 关键词

Demonstrative pronouns 指代词 Third personal pronoun 第三身代词 Mapping 映射 Category 类型 Characteristics 特征 [evolving] 阶段

Review Article 书评文章

Abstract 摘要
This article reviews the newly published Old Chinese: A New Reconstruction by Baxter and Sagart from three perspectives: attitude toward languages, methodology and types of evidence. This book contains many defects that cannot be overlooked and some suggestions are given regarding how to prevent these defects. This review consists of six sections and examines the following problems: 1) One rhyme group with many vowels, 2) Retention of old features in the Xiaoyi dialect, 3) Using phonetic transliteration to prove final coda, 4) 午 and 五 not homophonous, 5) Calling a horse a deer and 6) “A mountain is a river bank.” After careful investigation, we regret to say that many of the errors from this new book could have been avoided. These errors reflect the outdated concepts of the authors and the insufficiency of their basic training. In summary this monograph is rather disappointing.

 

本文從對語言的態度、方法論、證據類型等三方面,對Baxter (白一平) 、Sagart (沙加爾) 的新作Old Chinese: A New Reconstruction (上古音: 構擬新論) 進行考察,發現這本書許多不能掩飾的缺點,並對如何避免這些缺點,提出了建議。全文共分六節,分別檢討「一部多音」、「孝義存古」、「譯音證尾」、「午五異聲」、「指馬為鹿」、「山崖也」等問題。通過本文的考察,我們認為這部新作犯了許多不該有的錯誤;這些錯誤反映了作者觀念的落伍與基本訓練的不足。總體而言,這是一部令人失望的作品。

 

Keywords 關鍵詞

Old Chinese 上古漢語 Reconstruction 構擬 Rhyme groups 韻部 Final coda 韻尾 Loanwords 借詞

Review 书评

Abstract 摘要
Zoulei, literally Red Gelao, is a language in the Gelao (仡佬) dialect cluster of Kra (Mandarin Geyang, 仡央), which itself is a major branch of the Kra-Dai family (Ostapirat 2000). Zoulei is also known as Bigong, a toponym based on the name of the village in Guizhou Province where it is spoken. Like many Kra languages, Zoulei is severely endangered: only 368 people live in the village of Bigong, and in their book Li, Li, and Luo (2014) report that of those less than 30 individuals are fluent speakers of the language, all over the age of 60. Moreover, Kra is the least described branch of Kra-Dai, and this is the first full-length published grammar of any Kra language. With these considerations, the publication of A Grammar of Zoulei is an important contribution for Kra-Dai studies. This grammar was based on the dissertation of Xia Li under the supervision of Jifang Li at Minzu University. Professor Jifang Li had previously collaborated with the third author, Yongxian Luo, on The Buyang language of south China: grammatical notes, glossary, texts and translations in 2010 (Li and Luo 2010, see also Li and Luo 2006). As Zoulei and Buyang come from different branches of Kra, the two books together provide a glimpse as to what grammatical features might be characteristic of the family as a whole, and any linguist with an interest in Kra-Dai languages or Southeast Asian languages more generally will be grateful for the work of these scholars. A Grammar of Zoulei is comprised of eight chapters of introductory material and grammatical description, texts, and a lexicon. In this review I summarize the grammar by chapter, provide a general discussion of its strengths and weaknesses, then comment on the grammar of Zoulei in the context of Kra and Kra-Dai languages more generally.

Discussion 论述

Abstract 摘要
The discovery of Liangdao Man, a skeleton C-14 dated to c. 6000 BCE, under a shell mound in Liang Island north of the Taiwan strait, and the sequencing by Ko et al. (2014) of its mitochondrial DNA, have brought new light on Austronesian origins. Liangdao man’s mtDNA belongs to a very early form of haplogroup E, which is exclusively Austronesian and well represented in Taiwan in two forms: E1 and E2.

Abstract 摘要
The first thing to note with regard to the discovery of the so-called ‘Liangdao man’ is that any recipe used to ‘cook up’ an interpretation of the human history of East and Southeast Asia based on this fragile foundation will require a large pinch of speculation. My purpose in entering this discussion is not to enlarge the compass of the speculations already advanced, but rather to rein them in with some reminders of things about which we have much better observational control.

Report 报告

Abstract 摘要
The 7th International Conference in Evolutionary Linguistics (CIEL-7)* took place in Nankai University (NKU), June 12-14, 2015. Before the main conference, there were a series of lectures and tutorials on June 10-11 around the foundational issues of evolutionary linguistics and its related fields, such as brain imaging studies, human genetic research, complex system research, experimental linguistics and computational modeling. The main conference was jointly organized by Institute of Linguistics and School of Literature of Nankai University. Over 96 registrants, from Mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, France, Austria, Estonia, Czech Republic, Singapore, and U.S.A. attended and participated in the three day conference. There were seven keynote speeches, 50 oral presentations and 20 poster presentations featuring six major themes: language evolution at the macro-, meso- and microscopic scales, genetic and archaeological evidence for language evolution, language and the brain, diachronic and synchronic study of language, the origins of Chinese, and other language evolution related research (such as child language acquisition and pathological linguistics). Both English and Chinese were working languages of the conference.

 

第七屆演化語言學國際研討會(CIEL-7)于2015年6月12日至6月14日在天津南開大學勝利召開,并在研討會之前(6月10 -11日)舉辦了演化語言學相關的基礎講座。來自中國、美國、法國、奧地利、愛沙尼亞、捷克共和國、新加坡等的47所大學和研究機構的96位專家學者參加了此次會議。本次會議集中討論的主題包括:1)語言的宏觀、中觀、微觀演化、2)語言演化的遺傳學與考古學的證據、3)語言與大腦、4)語言的歷時和共時研究、5)漢語的祖先、6)與語言演化相關的其它研究(如:兒童語言、語言病理等)。會議共有7個主題報告、50個口頭報告和20個海報展示。 

 

Announcement 消息

Abstract 摘要
We are pleased to announce the 8th International Conference in Evolutionary Linguistics (CIEL-8), which will be held August 14-16[8-10], 2016 at the Bloomington Campus of Indiana University, United States.

 

Conference website: http://www.indiana.edu/~brainevo/CIEL8/

Volume 44, No 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
Interword spaces have been reported to play an important role in silent reading of alphabetic languages. However, it has not yet been clear whether text spacing/segmentation facilitates the cognitive process in silent reading of Chinese, a logographic language, especially in reading Chinese regulated poems which have predefined rhythmic structures. An eye-tracking experiment was conducted to monitor eye movements of native participants in reading Chinese regulated poems in four segmenting conditions: normal text, character segmentation, rhythmic segmentation, and syntactic segmentation. By comparing a set of measures of eye movements, both global and local analyses showed that syntactic segmentation boosted reading efficiency, while rhythmic segmentation did not. The findings demonstrate that not rhythmic but syntactic structure plays major roles in the cognitive process in reading Chinese regulated poems, suggesting an intrinsic difference in the information structure between spoken and written languages.

 

以往的研究表明,词间空格在字母文字的阅读过程中有重要作用。然而,这种间隔或切分对于语素文字如汉语的阅读、特别是对具有固定节律的汉语格律诗的阅读,是否有促进作用,仍属未知。为此,我们采用眼球追踪技术,考察了文本切分对汉语格律诗阅读的影响。实验设计了四种文本切分模式:正常文本、逐字切分、节律切分、句法切分。通过全局分析和局部分析,我们发现,与句法结构相吻合的切分能有效加快汉语格律诗的阅读,而与节律结构相吻合的切分对汉语格律诗的认知加工并无促进作用。研究结果表明,是句法结构而不是节律结构,在汉语格律诗的阅读中发挥主要作用,这也体现了书面语言与口头言语在信息结构上的区别。

 

Keywords 关键词

Text segmentation 文本切分 Reading 阅读 Chinese regulated poem 汉语格律诗 Rhythmic structure 节律结构 Syntactic structure 句法结构 Eye movement 眼球运动

Abstract 摘要
Mandarin-speaking children based on a corpus study and a series of experimental tasks. It is shown that cognitive development plays a significant role in the development of spatial language. The acquisition of pang ‘side’ before you ‘right’ is accounted for by the cognitive complexity of the localizers. Cognitive egocentricity biased children under 4;0 towards the aligned strategy in interpreting qian ‘front’ and hou ‘back’, and caused 6-year-olds to rely on the viewer-centered frame of reference in interpreting zuo ‘left’ and you ‘right’ when the reference entity has inherent orientation. Our findings show that young children are sensitive to the Figure-Ground asymmetry, a cognitive constraint, and perceptual cues influence children’s choice of reference strategies.

 

基于语料库研究和一系列实验,本文探讨汉语普通话儿童的空间编码情况。我们发现认知发展在空间语言习得中起到重要作用。方位词内在的认知难度可以解释为什么儿童先习得“旁”后习得“右”。因为受认知上的“自我中心”影响,四岁以下的儿童会倾向用顺向策略来解读“前”和“后”;当参照物没有内在方向时,六岁儿童主要依靠以视者为中心的参照系统来理解“左”和“右”。我们还发现儿童对目标物-参照物非对称性很早就非常敏感,证实这是一个认知上的普遍制约。知觉上的线索也会影响儿童对参照策略的选择。

 

Keywords 关键词

Child spatial language 儿童空间语言 Cognition 认知 Perception 知觉 Egocentricity 自我中心 Frame of reference 参照系统 Reference strategy 参照策略

Abstract 摘要
A valuable rhyme collection book, Yinyun Huayi 音韵画一 (Unification of rhyme tables), was discovered recently in the library of Taiwan Normal University. Since its discovery, we carried out a research on its time period of compilation. Yang Zhiti 杨志体, author of the book, shows us in a great deal his unique phonological thoughts and systematic rhyme terms. Yinyun Huayi 音韵画一 shows a typical southwest Mandarin phonology, namely, the sound system of nowadays Shehong County (Sichuan Province, China). We compared the book rhymes with two surveys of Shehong dialect and explored the sound changes of Shehong dialect over the past century.

 

我们发现了台湾师范大学藏本《音韵画一》,重新考证了该书的撰写年代。《音韵画一》音韵理论独特,体现了作者杨志体的独树一帜的音韵学思想及音韵术语体系。《音韵画一》具有典型的西南官话特点。我们以《音韵画一》与其后的方言调查报告对比,研究了射洪方言百余年来的演变情况。

 

Keywords 关键词

Yinyun Huayi 《音韵画一》 Phonological Features 语音特点 Phonological Evolution 语音演变

Abstract 摘要
This paper asks whether there is a universally applicable code-switching model. To answer this question, Myers-Scotton’s (2002) Matrix Language Frame model was tested with Southern Min/Mandarin code-switched data. The results showed that the two criteria (i.e. the morpheme order principle and the system morpheme principle) proposed to identify the matrix language in this model were found inapplicable. This is because Southern Min and Mandarin share most of their morphosyntactic structure and have a limited amount of inflectional morphology. To solve this theoretical problem, one supporting theory of the matrix language frame model (i.e. the uniform structure principle) and other possible criteria were also tested, but they were not successful. With the re-introduction of an additional criterion (i.e. the morpheme counting principle) to identify the matrix language, this study proposes a revised version of the matrix language frame model which was applied to re-analyze the Southern Min/Mandarin code-switched data. The results show that the matrix languages of 92.63% of the Southern Min/Mandarin bilingual clauses (340 in total) were unambiguously identified. This suggests that unlike the original model, the revised version of the matrix language frame model is able to cover a wider range of code-switched data (i.e. bothtypologically similar and different language pairs). With the empirical success of the original matrix language frame model reported in the previous literature and the success of additional principle proposed to particularly analyse code-switched data of a typologically similar language pair (Southern Min and Mandarin), this study argues that the revised version of the matrix language frame model is universally applicable.

 

本研究之目的在于寻找一个能适用于各种不同语言特性之语码转换(code-switching)理论。为达此目的,我们利用普通话及闽南话之语码转换语料,来测试Myers-Scotton (2002)所提出的「主体语结构模式理论 (The Matrix Language Frame Model)」。但测试结果发现,该理论中用来确认主体语的两项指标:「词序原则 (the morpheme order principle)」及「系统词素原则(the system morpheme principle)」皆无法适用于普通话及闽南话的转换语料。由于此两种语言在句法结构上有极高的相似性,且在屈折型态学(inflectional morphology)上的特性亦不明显,因而凸显出该理论无法处理句法、型态相似的语码转换语料的缺陷。本研究尝试采用结构一致性原则(the uniform structure principle)及其他的替代方案,但都无法有效确认普通话及闽南话转换语料的主体语。因此,我们在该理论的原有基础上稍做修正,加入另一个确认主体语的指标:「词素计算原则 (the morpheme counting principle)」来分析相同语料。分析结果显示:在总数340个包含普通话及闽南话的双语子句中,有92.63%的子句之主体语能被清楚确认。由于现有的文献指出,原有的「主体语结构模式理论」已成功通过许多在句法、型态上差异性大的语码转换语料的检测,本研究所提出的修正版本更强化了该理论,使其亦能涵盖语言结构具高度相似性的语料。因此,我们认为本研究所提出「主体语结构模式理论」修正版本,可适用于各种不同语言所构成的语码转换语料。

 

Keywords 关键词

Mandarin 普通话 Southern Min 闽南话 Code-switching 语码转换 The Matrix Language Frame Model 主体语结构模式理论

Abstract 摘要
This paper compares the code-switching (CS) practices and perceptions of three groups of Cantonese-English bilinguals with different social backgrounds: (1) university-educated Hong Kong locals, (2) second-generation migrants in English-speaking countries and (3) Hong Kong students who have spent a significant amount of time in English-speaking countries at school and/or university. The results show that far from agreeing on what constitutes a normal CS style, each of these groups has different normative perceptual contours, and distinct CS practices. This finding is shown to be significant within the social context of the Hong Kong speech community, which has reabsorbed a great deal of the Cantonese-English speaking diaspora in recent years. The consequences of this reabsorption are also shown to be important for our current models of CS variation.

 

本文透过研究三个不同社会背景的双语(广东话–英 语)组别:1. 大学毕业的香港本土人士;2. 移居香港的英语人士的第二代及3. 曾长期留学英语国家学校╱大学的毕业生,探讨双语转换的实践及观念。结果显示做成正常的双语转换在每一个组别间皆含有合乎规范的观念轮廓及截然不同的惯例。是次发现明确的显示了在香港的语言群体中,近年有着重新吸收大量广东话–英语的大流散,其结果往往对现时的双语转换变化模式有着重要的揭示。

 

Keywords 关键词

Sociolinguistics 社会语言学 Cantonese-English code-switching 粤英双语转换 Code-mixing variation 转换变化模式

Abstract 摘要
The rhyme dictionary Jiyun put the Shang tone and Qu tone homophony character groups with dental and sibilant initials of open Han rhyme into the corresponding position of closed Huan rhyme, but the homophony character groups with velar initials hold the line, which shows that the rhyme with dental and sibilant initials is different from the rhyme with velar initials.The rhyme table Shengyinchanghetu put the Ping tone character ‘dan’ with dental initial of Han rhyme at the ‘Fa’ line corresponding to the second division in the early traditional rhyme table Yunjing, together with the character ‘shan’ of Shan rhyme, but the Ping tone character ‘an’ with velar initial at the ‘Kai’ line corresponding to the first division, which shows that,in the Han rhyme,the rhyme with dental and sibilant initial is belonging to second division but the rhyme with velar initial is belonging to the first division. This is the headstream of acute-grave divergence of the Han rhyme in the historial documents. The so-called acute-grave divergence of the Han rhyme refers to the sound change in which the vowel of characters of the Han rhyme with acute initials diverges from the original vowel shared with their counterparts with grave initials, and merges with the vowel of the characters of the second division. This sound change is taking place in the 11th century northern dialects, and exhibits some regional variations in the paths taken. The transition is completed first for characters of Shang tone and Qu tone in the Bian-Luo dialect of the Northern Song Dynasty, as shown in the rhyme dictionary Jiyun, while first for characters of Ping tone in the You-Yan dialect of the Northern Song Dynasty, as documented in the rhyme table Shengyinchanghetu. In Mengguziyun and Zhongyuanyinyun, despite the fact that, irrespective of their initials, characters of Ping, Shang and Qu tones of the Han rhyme have the same vowel as characters of the second division, characters of Ru tone of the Han rhyme do exhibit patterns characteristic of the acute-grave divergence. This is clear evidence that the northern dialects of the Yuan Dynasty have undergone the acute-grave divergence. In the Yuan Dynasty, the vowels of characters with grave initials are further merged with that of characters of the second division. However, the loss of the ending *-t has excluded characters of Ru tone from the second wave of merging, resulting in the observed separation of Hanshan and Huanhuan. Therefore, the acute-grave divergence of the rhyme Han and the separation of the rhymes Hanshan and Huanhuan are two different phases of the single process in the history of northern dialects in which the low-back vowel *ɔ is replaced by low-front vowel *a before the endings *-t/*-n. The separation of Hanshan and Huanhuan rhymes has already emerged by the early 12th century, as proved by a study of Hangzhou dialect developed after the migration of the Southern Song Dynasty, and data from Sino-Khitan transcription.

 

《集韵》将寒韵上声和去声舌齿音小韵转移到相应的合口桓韵的上声和去声位置,而牙喉音小韵则保持不动,形成上声和去声舌齿音字韵母与牙喉音字韵母有别的现象。《声音倡和图》将寒韵牙喉音平声字“安”放在“开”行(一等),将舌齿音平声“丹”和二等“山”放在“发”行(二等),形成寒韵平声舌齿音字韵母与牙喉音字韵母分等的现象。这是历史文献中寒韵系字韵母因声母锐钝分化的源头。所谓寒韵系字锐钝分化实质上是一等寒韵系锐音字的元音与二等字的元音合并,从而与保持一等的钝音字的元音有别的现象。在十一世纪的北方方言中,这种分化正在进行。《集韵》代表的北宋汴洛方言上声和去声字的元音完成了分化,而《声音倡和图》代表的北宋幽燕方言平声字的元音完成了分化。在《蒙古字韵》和《中原音韵》代表的元代北方方言中,虽然寒韵舒声字锐钝无别且与二等合并,但相应的入声字却表现出锐钝有别的特征:即锐音入声字的元音与二等入声字 的元音合并,而钝音入声字元音未合并。这是元代北方方言曾经历过 寒韵系字锐钝分化的明证。继寒韵系锐音字元音之后,寒韵舒声钝音字的元音进一步与二等元音合并,然此前入声韵尾*-t的失落使得钝音 入声字元音未参与此次合并,由此形成了“寒山”与“桓欢”分韵的 音韵格局。寒韵系字锐钝分化和“寒山”与“桓欢”分韵,是北方方言历史上韵尾*-n/*-t前后元音*ɔ与前元音*a合并过程中的两个前后相承的阶段。由宋室南迁形成的杭州方言及契丹—汉对音材料来看,至迟在十二世纪初期汴洛方言和幽燕方言都已经形成了“寒山”与“桓欢”分韵的音韵格局。

 

Keywords 关键词

Jiyun 《集韵》 Shengyin Changhetu 《声音倡和图》 Acute-grave divergence of the Han rhyme 寒韵系字锐钝分化 Menggu Ziyun 《蒙古字韵》 Zhongyuan Yinyun 《中原音韵》

Review 书评

Abstract 摘要
New Perspectives on Chinese Syntax by Waltraud Paul (2015) is a theory-oriented discussion of Chinese syntax after Huang, Li, and Li (2009). Even though the book does not provide a full coverage of Chinese syntax as expected of descriptive or reference grammars, it explores in depth the most controversial issues with a new analysis in the generative approach. While each chapter tackles different topics in Chinese syntax, the chapters form a coherent whole to accomplish the major goal of the book, which is to deconstruct typological generalizations, particularly the concept “cross-categorial harmony”, as part of grammar. Cross-categorial harmony in this book refers to “the observation that in many languages the order between a head and its complement is the same across different categories.” (p.2) The book is organized into eight chapters. I will review each chapter and then comment on the book as a whole.

Report 报告

Announcement 消息

消息: 中国语言学博士论坛通知2016年10月15日-16日,南开大学, 天津

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