Journal of Chinese Linguistics Vol.47 – 2019

Volume 47, Number 1

Article 文章

Full text 全文

 

Dear friends of JCL,

It is a pleasure for the two of us to address the readers of Journal of Chinese Linguistics (JCL) as editors. We are honored to have been invited by Professor William S-Y. Wang (王士元) to serve as editors of JCL starting January 2019. JCL was first initiated at the University of California at Berkeley in 1973 by Professor Wang who has served as Editor Extraordinaire since the inception and has grown and flourished, entering its 46th year in 2019. From 1973 to 2018, JCL has published 95 issues with over 500 articles, as well as 28 monographs. At the time of writing (31 December 2018), it was one of two journals in the SSCI (Social Sciences Citation Index) based at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, together with 2 other journals based in Hong Kong, 2 based in mainland China and two based in Taiwan. The global reach of JCL is indicated by subscriptions from more than 40 countries. JCL is well recognized as the first international journal where research on Chinese languages and related fields with cross-disciplinary perspectives was systematically introduced and published, with methodology ranging from comparative, experimental, historical reconstruction to longitudinal case studies.

It is with humility that we take up the baton Professor Wang handed over to us at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. We would like to express our deepest gratitude to Professor Wang and pay collective tribute to him for his profound impact and enduring contributions to the field on this special occasion. Without his exemplary leadership and indefatigable dedication through the decades, JCL would not have made so many significant contributions and nurtured so many scholars who have become leaders in the field. We are grateful that Professor Wang will serve as Honorary Editor of JCL from 2019 onwards.

On numerous occasions, Prof. Wang has reiterated that JCL has inherited the legacy of Professor Y.R. Chao (赵元任) and Professor Fang-Kuei Li (李方桂) and it is thanks to Prof. Wang that he created an unprecedented new epoch by establishing JCL as an international platform to benefit generations of scholars. We are also grateful to have had the support of a stellar cast of distinguished Co-editors (Shen Zhongwei沈钟伟and Shi Feng石锋) and Associate Editors: Robert S. Bauer (包睿舜), Hilary Chappell (曹茜蕾), Matthew Y. Chen (陈渊泉), Chin-Chuan Cheng (郑锦全), Chu-Ren Huang (黄居仁), Jingxia Lin (林静夏), Tsu-Lin Mei (梅祖麟), Alain Peyraube (贝罗贝), Shen Jiaxuan 沈家煊, James H-Y. Tai (戴浩一), Ovid J. L. Tzeng (曾志朗), Wang Feng 汪锋. A special thanks goes to Yifeng Wu (吴一丰) for serving as Managing Editor of JCL for the last 21 years and making significant contributions to its smooth and successful daily operation. We take the opportunity to thank each and every one of the JCL team for their dedication and support over the years.

Our vision is to carry on the fine scholarship and traditions of JCL as envisioned by Prof. Wang and promote interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary approaches to Chinese linguistics. In the words of Prof Wang which articulate a broad vision of the field:

… We have papers on the Han dialects as well as on the languages of the ethnic minorities. Some papers are strongly theoretical, while others emphasize an experimental or computational orientation. While most of the discussion has centered around spoken language, there is also concern with our unique morphosyllabic writing system. There are papers in psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, sociolinguistics, and applied linguistics. After all, language is an activity that pervades every aspect of human life. It is natural that the study of language should be broadly based and that it should draw from many disciplines.

The term “Chinese Linguistics” in our IACL has several interpretations. Among these, one reading has to do with the traditions, theories and results of linguistics and philology as practiced by Chinese scholars past and present. Another reading has to do with the application of the methods of general linguistics to the languages found in China. This would include, of course, research on many non-Sinitic languages, such as Altaic, Austric, Tibeto-Burman, etc., especially on their interactions with the Han dialects. After all, China is a Sprachbund in the full sense of the word. Her linguistic fabric has been woven together over the millennia from many intertwining and inseparable strands. …

(William S-Y. Wang, “An Association of Our Own.” Newsletter [of] International Association of Chinese Linguistics, volume 1, number 1 [Jan.1993], p.1)

Inspired by this vision, JCL will continue to be an all-encompassing venue for publishing scholarly works in Chinese linguistics that encourage the diversity of theoretical approaches and research methods adopted by time-honored studies and experimental studies. We recognize the importance of scholarship in classical and modern linguistic studies that is the cornerstone of JCL, even as we encourage the pursuit of new frontiers.

Not only does JCL cover familiar areas of linguistics such as phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, language acquisition and contact, language change and evolution, bilingualism and multilingualism, psycholinguistics, cognitive neuroscience, it also encompasses diachronic syntax, historical phonology, sinology and traditional philology, paleography and exegesis. The comprehensive scope will remain a characteristic feature of JCL and high standard of scholarship a priority. In addition, submissions written in Chinese as well as those in English will be welcomed. The bilingual format is a prized heritage that we would like to preserve for JCL.

To ensure continuity, we aim to provide a platform for publishing new studies and materials in Chinese linguistics and showcasing the development of new theories and innovative paradigms. In addition, JCL will continue to serve as a platform for scholars to have lively debates and exchange views on theoretical and empirical issues. In sum, a key mission of JCL is to create a stimulating platform and incubator for new findings and discoveries. As Directors of the Chinese University of Hong Kong-Beijing Language and Culture University Joint Research Centre for Chinese Linguistics and Applied Linguistics and the Chinese University of Hong Kong-Peking University-University System of Taiwan Joint Research Centre for Language and Human Complexity respectively, we undertake to support JCL’s continued operation and growth.

JCL is a unique journal which takes pride in being the most comprehensive journal with the greatest time depth in Chinese Linguistics. We are hugely honored and humbled to have the opportunity to serve first as Co-editors and then Editors, and are truly grateful that the majority of Associate Editors have agreed to continue to serve JCL. With their unswerving support, we will strive to publish quality research and review articles in the years to come. Realizing that the road ahead is long and the mission is daunting (ren zhong dao yuan任重道远), we will dedicate ourselves whole-heartedly to producing a high quality journal in our field. Your continuous support will help JCL go from strength to strength and reach the next level of excellence.

 

 

                                                                                                                                                       Shengli and Virginia
                                                                                                                                                               December 2018

Abstract 摘要
Exegesis (Xungu 訓詁) is an important branch of classical Chinese philology. It is a discipline devoted to the explanation of characters and expressions in ancient Chinese texts. The emergence of Xungu can be traced back to Er ya 爾雅, a Pre-Qin dictionary. The Han-Tang period, which is the heyday of the discipline, witnessed the production of many important Xungu works, most of them appearing in the form of commentaries. They have then become the indispensable guides to subsequent readers of classical Chinese texts. Given the canonical importance of these ancient commentaries, it is not surprising to see that most modern philologists regard the explanations of ancient Chinese texts offered in these classical Xungu works as authoritative dictionary meanings and uncritically adopt them in their own works. To date, however, little work has thoroughly examined how these ancient Xungu scholars arrived at their judgments. This article remedies this gap by clarifying the working mechanism of these ancient Xungu scholars in annotating ancient texts. It argues that these ancient Xungu scholars, when explaining a character in an ancient text, would first and foremost compare that text with parallel texts from other textual sources to identify textual variants. If a difference in terms of word choice existed between the text they were commenting and other relevant parallel texts, they would often uncritically use the latter to provide glosses to the former, even if the two were obviously not synonyms or near-synonyms. This article then shows that subsequent important philologists such as Zhu Junsheng 朱駿聲 (1788–1858) and Hong Yixuan洪頤煊 (1765–1837), unaware of this unique working mechanism of ancient Xungu scholars, anachronistically mistook the judgments offered in these ancient Xungu works, which were simply made on the basis of textual variants, to be true and accurate dictionary meanings. As a result, they unavoidably established unnecessary connection between the semantically unrelated textual variants and ended up creating mistakes of their own.

中国古代语言学之研究,重在训诂。训诂学乃中国传统研究古书词义的专门学科,是中国传统的语文学。训诂之学,始于先秦的《尔雅》,而大盛于汉晋的古籍注解。自汉代以来以迄于唐,古籍传注蔚然成风,其中重要典籍注家包括东汉《诗》毛《传》,郑玄《毛诗笺》,伪孔安国的《尚书传》,高诱《淮南子注》,三国六朝时王弼的《周易注》、韦昭的《国语注》,王肃的《孔子家语注》,唐朝杨倞的《荀子注》等。过去训诂学家极重视古代典籍注解,视之为中国古代字义研究的重要依据,鲜有怀疑这些古代学者的注解可有其他依据。本文尝试援引书证,以见汉晋以来诸家传注训诂,每有参考同书其他版本异文,甚或互见文献所见异文以为说解,例证甚多,自成系统。显见据异文为注,乃是中国学者注解典籍的一种传统释义方法。可惜过去语言学、训诂学者研习中国词义诂训时,于汉晋传注相关训解方式未有注意,未能明晰此等训诂其实源出重文异文,而重文异文又不必为同义甚或近义词。因之,此等字义训诂既于古无徵,甚或扞格难通,后人不察,以为相关字义解释既出自汉晋着名学者,则其解读自亦正确无误,遂加附会曲说,强为之解,舛误乃生。本文提出诸如《说文》四大家的清代学者朱骏声、古籍义训研究权威学者洪颐煊等,均因未明汉晋注家上述训释词义方法而产生误解。

 

Keywords 关键词

Classical commentaries 古籍注释 Alternative characters 异文 Exegetics 训诂 Semantics 词义学 Classical Chinese 古代汉语 Glossary 词汇

Abstract 摘要
Resultative verb compounds (RVCs) in Mandarin appear in a V1-V2 sequence and have three major subtypes—result-state, directional and completive RVCs with different degrees of compositionality depending on the extent to which the compound’s meaning can be derived from the meanings of the component verbs. The derivation of the RVC has been analyzed as a lexical or syntactic process. Previous acquisition studies show that the RVC’s compositionality and event structure are not fully acquired before the age of three. Findings conflict on whether the acquisition process revealed by early RVCs is usage-based or rule-based. We examined longitudinal data from two Mandarin-speaking children and administered a novel verb experiment on 32 children. The lexicalist approach to RVC formation is a better account for our data than the syntactic approach. Our data lend support to rule-based learning of RVCs. Children master the event structure of RVCs and its interaction with aspect gradually. The headedness of the RVC in relation to event structure depends on its type: V2 is more salient than V1 for the result-state RVC, while V1 is more salient than V2 for the directional RVC.

汉语普通话中的动补复合动词以V1-V2(动词1-动词2)的形式出现,包括结果状态、趋向和结束动补复合动词这三个主要类别。关于这些复合词的词义是否能够直接从V1和V2的意义推衍出来,三类动补复合动词存在程度上的差别,即在组合性上存在差别。关于动补复合动词的形成,有分析认为它们是句法生成的,也有分析认为它们是词汇规则生成的。以往的习得研究显示,普通话儿童3岁前未完全掌握动补复合动词的组合性和事件结构。早期的动补复合动词是基于规则习得的还是基于使用习得的尚无定论。我们跟踪调查了两名普通话幼儿,并对32名儿童进行了假词实验。我们的发现支持动补复合动词是词汇规则生成的而不是句法生成的,并支持基于规则的习得这一理论假设。儿童是逐步掌握动补复合动词的事件结构以及事件结构与体貌的互动的。动补复合动词事件结构的核心由它们的类别决定:结果状态动补复合动词的V2比V1更显著;而趋向动补复合动词的V1比V2更显著。

 

Keywords 关键词

Acquisition 习得 Resultative verb compound 动补复合动词 Compositionality 组合性 Event structure 事件结构 Rule-based learning 基于规则的习得 Aspectual head 事件结构的核心

Abstract 摘要
This paper aims to explain the development of the copula function of wei 为 and to show that wei in the “wei V” construction is a copula during pre-Han times, rather than a passive marker. Therefore, in essence, the “wei V” construction is a copula construction rather than a passive construction. In this analysis, we pay special attention to the “yi 以 X wei 为 Y” construction and draw the following conclusions: (1) the generalized copula function of wei derives from the “yi X wei Y” construction because of the disposal function of yi, and because wei absorbed the characteristics of the “yi X wei Y” construction. This conclusion is based on the observation that the unique features of wei as a copula are congruent with its function in the “yi X wei Y” construction, and that the change from “V yi wei” to “V wei” indicates that wei replaced “yi wei” to a certain degree. (2) “X wei V” is an alternative pattern of “yi X wei V” when a causer (C) does not appear in the same clause with wei. These observations are supported by the fact that “yi X wei V” and “X wei V” have the same (low) frequency, and are both very limited in their semantic range, and that their exchangeability does not have any influence on their semantics. (3) “wei A V” is formed through the omission of yi in the “yi X wei A V” or, alternatively, through the addition of the agent A in “wei V”, whereas “wei A (zhi) suo V” is the consequence of “A (zhi) suo V” replacing “A V” in “wei A V”. Therefore, none of the wei constructions in pre-Qin should be regarded as syntactically functioning as passive constructions. Rather, “wei A suo V” became a common passive construction only in the Han dynasty.

文章分析了“为”字功能的形成过程,并证明“为V”结构中的“为”应释为系词,而非被动标记。因此,“为V”结构本质上是系词结构而非被动结构。本文从分析“以X为Y”结构出发,得出以下结论:(1) “为”的系词功能来自于“以X为Y”结构,因为“以”的处置功能,及“为”吸收了“以X为Y”结构的构式特征,其理据是“为”作为系词的功能特征和“以X为Y”的构式特征有高度的吻合性,而且存在“V以为”省略为“V为”的明显发展趋势。(2)当致使者不和“为”共现于同一个从句时,“X为V”是“以X为V”的可替换项,理据是二者的使用频率均较低,语义范围均非常有限,而且二者具有可互换性。(3)“为AV”可能是“以X为AV”省略“以”而成,或者由“为V”添加A而成,而“为A(之)所V”则是“A(之)所V”替代“为AV”中的“AV”而成。因此,先秦時期的“为”字式,从句法上来说都不是被动式。“为A所V”在汉代成为了一个真正的被动式。

 

Keywords 关键词

Copula construction 系词结构 Passive construction 被动结构 “Yi 以 X wei 为 Y” disposal construction “以X为Y”处置结构 Wei 为 V “为V”结构

Abstract 摘要
This paper documents the inverse marking system in Brag-bar dialect of Situ Rgyalrong, a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in south-west China. It describes a case of reanalysis of proximate/obviative marking in the non-local domain as number marking, and uses this development as a model to account for person indexation pattern found in Kiranti languages, another subgroup of the Sino-Tibetan family which has never been in contact with Rgyalrong languages.

嘉绒语分布在中国西南,属于汉藏语系藏缅语族。本文主要讨论四土嘉戎语白湾话的反向标示系统。在白湾话反向系统中,外部互动领域的近指/远指标示被重新分析为数的表示。本文将白湾话反向系统的这一演化作为原型来解释汉藏语系藏缅语族中的基兰提语支中的人称标示范式。

 

Keywords 关键词

Direct-inverse system 反向系统 Proximate/obviative 近指/远指 Empathy hierarchy 认同等第 Rgyalrongic languages 嘉绒语组语言 Brag-bar 白湾话 Bantawa 班塔瓦语

Abstract 摘要
The phenomenon that characters with Middle Chinese voiced obstruent initials are now read with Yangqu 阳去 (lower departing) and Yangshang 阳上 (lower rising) tones in Chaozhou dialects has attracted much attention from linguists. It is widely held that those characters read with Yangqu tone in Chaozhou dialects are inherent to the colloquial layer whereas those read with Yangshang belong to the literary layer, resulting from influence of northern dialects. In this study, we analyse the mergence of colloquial layer and literary layer in Chaozhou dialects. And we find out some similar layers in other Minnan dialects by comparison. So we put forward a new account: those now read with Yangqu (such as bu 步, di 地, jiu 旧, fang 饭) reflect influence of central Minnan 闽南 dialect while those now read with Yangshang (such as pei 佩, you 右, feng 凤, hui 会) are inherent.

中古浊去字今潮州话分属阳上和阳去,这一现象得到语言学界的强烈关注。目前,学界比较认同的观点是:潮州话古浊去字,今读阳去的属于早期自有的白读层,今读阳上的属于受北方话影响产生的文读层。本文先比较潮州话文读和白读的合并过程,再系联其他闽南话的同类层次,然后提出一个新看法:这些古浊去字,潮州话今读阳去的层次(比如:“步”、“地”、“旧”、“饭”),属于后期再受强势闽南话影响产生的;相比之下,潮州话今读阳上的层次(比如:“佩”、“右”、“凤”、“会”)反倒是固有的。

 

Keywords 关键词

Chaozhou dialects 潮州话 Departing tone 浊去 Voiced initials 分调 Tonal splits Cause 原因

Abstract 摘要
This paper describes the phonetic properties of “Tʙ” in the Wu dialect of Jiangsu and Anhui provinces of China (Su-Wan) boundary and discusses the articulation conditions of “Tʙ” in phonetics. We argue that the consonant, mainly the voiceless apico-alveolar plosives or affricates [t/ts/tʃ] as well as their aspirated counterparts tend to undergo trillization. On the other hand, at least three features [+high] [+rounded] [+fricative] for the vowels should be guaranteed. It is further argued that unlike the claim of Ladefoged and Everett (1996), “Tʙ” is not rare in the world’s language, but yields a high relevance to the friction of the high rounded vowel.

本文描写了苏皖边界吴语“Tʙ”的语音性质以及“Tʙ”声学上的发音条件。我们认为,从辅音上看,主要是清舌齿塞音和塞擦音[t/ts/tʃ],以及各自相应的送气音易发生唇颤。另一方面,元音则至少具备[+高][+圆唇][+摩擦化]三个特征。本文进一步认为,与Ladefoged和Everett (1996)所说的不同,“Tʙ”在世界语言中并不罕见,“Tʙ”的产生与圆唇高元音的摩擦化密切相关。

 

Keywords 关键词

The Wu dialect of Su-Wan boundary 苏皖交界地带吴语 Voiceless apico-dental plosive followed by bilabial trill 清舌齿塞音后接双唇颤音 High rounded vowel 圆唇高元音 Fricative 摩擦化

Abstract 摘要
Based on Early Modern Southern Min texts from Ming and Qing dynasties, this paper studies the different functions of lia̍h 力in Southern Min and the grammaticalisation pathways that led to the polysemantism. The morpheme lia̍h could appear as a content verb meaning ‘to catch’ or a polyfunctional case marker in Early Modern Southern Min; while in Contemporary Southern Min, its verb use has become overwhelming, and its grammatical uses are mostly fossilised. This paper hypothesises the grammaticalisation pathways of lia̍h by examining ambiguous constructions, and proposes that the fossilisation of the grammatical functions started with South-Western varieties of Southern Min, in which lia̍h was transcribed with the character 掠. The history of this word is worthy of the attention of typological studies.

本文立足于明清闽南语文献研究近代闽南语“力”lia̍h 的多重功能以及引致其多义性之语法化路径。在早期闽南语中,“力”既是表“捉、拿”的动词,亦是一个多功能的格标记。然而在当代闽南语中,“力”的动词功能尤为显着,其格标记用法则几乎丧失能产性。本文通过研究存在句法或语义歧义的结构讨论“力”的语法化进程,并提出其格标记功能的丧失是从西南部的闽南语开始的。研究“力”的历史可为语言类型学提供有用的材料。

 

Keywords 关键词

Early Modern Southern Min 早期闽南语 Lì jìng jì 荔镜记 Object marking 宾语标记 Grammaticalisation 语法化 Affectedness Hierarchy 受动性等第

Abstract 摘要
至於 (至于 in simplified characters) is used in Modern Chinese as a topic-shifter, whose function is to switch from a topic or topics mentioned previously in the discourse to a new topic. This research investigates how and when the topic-shifter usage of 至於 was derived. I argue that it originated from Old Chinese 至, a verb of movement, plus 于/於, a spatial goal marker. This paper illustrates the step-by-step process of the lexicalization of 至于/於 by analyzing all occurrences of 至于/於 in the Academia Sinica Old Chinese texts database. Each stage of lexicalization is clearly distinguished using syntactic and semantic criteria: (a) the syntactic structure of the sentence in which [至于/於+Obj] appears, (b) the syntactic status of [至于/於+Obj], and (c) the semantic features of the object of 至于/於. 至于/於 was used as a topic-shifter as early as in the Warring States period. Its use as a topic-shifter started to increase significantly in Middle Chinese, as is reflected in Sanguo zhi 三國志. Finally, the lexicalization of 至於 into a topic-shifter was completed when 至於 was by far most frequently used as a topic-shifter and its original use became obsolete, as in Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類.

“至于(繁体‘至於’)”在现代汉语里有转换话题的功能。笔者认为“至于”是由古代汉语表示移动的动词“至”与表示到达点的介词“于/於”结合而成的。本文旨在通过考察从上古、中古到近代汉语文献所出现的关于“至于/於”的词汇化演变用例阐述其最终转变为转换话题功能的过程。本文的用例来自中央研究院汉籍电子文献中的古汉语语料库(http://hanji.sinica.edu.tw/)。本文从语义和语法层面上的差异观察到“至于/於”的词汇化阶段。首先,在战国时期的上古文献中开始出现极少数转换话题的“至于/於”用例;到了《三国志》的中古时期,表示转换话题功能的“至于/於”用例大幅增加;最后,在近代汉语《朱子语类》文献时期,大部分“至於”被用于转换话题,原来的“移动动词+到达点”用例微乎其微,而“至于”的出现频率大大缩减,其原因与“于”本身的消失有关。到了现代汉语时期“至於”简化为“至于”。

 

Keywords 关键词

至於 (至于) Topic-shifter 转换话题 Lexicalization 词汇化 Old Chinese 上古汉语 Middle Chinese 中古汉语 Early Mandarin 近代汉语

Review 书评

Abstract 摘要
This Hanyu lishi jufaxue lungao 汉语历时句法学论稿 (A Preliminary Theory of Diachronic Syntax in Chinese) by Shengli Feng 冯胜利is an entirely original and theoretical study on the historical evolution of the Chinese language. Its main aim is to present how the tools of formal syntax could help us in better understanding and explaining the mechanisms of syntactic change in Chinese. Several basic syntactic structures are deeply investigated in their historical development: BA-sentences, the causative and passive constructions, the ditransitive, the complement structures, as well as the issue of the syntheticity vs. analyticity of different stages of the Chinese language, etc. Two important phenomena have played a crucial role in the structural changes of Chinese, throughout its history: the light verb constructions and the prosody (linked to the bisyllabization starting in the Han times). The innovative analyses provided by Shengli Feng makes this book an essential working tool for all the linguists interested in Chinese historical grammar.

冯胜利的《汉语历时句法学论稿》是一部真正意义上的、独树一帜的理论研究作品。这部论著向我们展示了汉语句法的历史演变。该书的主旨在于介绍如何借助形式句法学工具更好地理解和解释汉语的句法演变机制。作者深入地考察了数个基本句法结构的历史发展(把字句、致使结构和被动结构、双及物结构、述补结构等),并讨论了汉语在不同时期显示出的综合性vs. 分析性特征等问题。作者的研究显示,在汉语的句法结构演变中,有两个现象扮演了举足轻重的角色,即轻动词结构和韵律形态(后者与自汉代开始的双音化现象有关)。冯胜利提出的这些开创性的分析将使该书成为所有关注汉语历史句法的语言学研究者必不可少的研究工具。

 

Keywords 关键词

Syntax 句法 Diachronic change 历时演变 Light verbs 轻动词 Morphological prosody 韵律形态

Excerpt 节选

Adrian van Amstel’s Chinese Character Dictionary (CCD) represents a very different approach to organizing Chinese characters in a non-electronic paper-based dictionary. Describing himself in the Preface to his dictionary as a “visual learner”, Van Amstel adopts a visual strategy whereby similar looking characters are grouped together. Rather than organizing characters according to their Pinyin or stroke count, Van Amstel’s CCD adopts a look-up method based on the premise that when radicals are stripped away what remains is “the main and most prominent part of the character” (Preface), or what Van Amstel refers to as the “phonetic” part.

 

Three hundred ninety-five phonetic parts have been designated as “series headers”, each heading a “character table”. These 395 character tables accommodate around 7,450 traditional and 1,450 simplified characters. The 395 character tables and their corresponding series headers are further categorized into 17 main components – the Main Components Table (MCT) – based on their shape, ten of which are identified as having slanting strokes, and the remaining seven with mostly horizontal and vertical strokes. For example, one category includes components with strokes that slant to the right, another to the left, another with strokes slanting in both directions. The rationale for Van Amstel’s assignments to these categories is not always clear. For example, in his review of Van Amstel’s CCD, Zhang (2016,104) questions grouping 月, 周, 丹 with those components with horizontal and vertical strokes rather than with strokes slanting to the left.

 

Though clearly influenced by T. K. Ann’s Cracking the Chinese Puzzle by Conceptualizing and Philosophizing Approach1, Van Amstel faults Ann’s “four-corner indices method” as “cumbersome”, and notes how “finding a particular character in the dictionary part was far from straightforward” (Preface). Though clearly hoping to improve on Ann’s work, Van Amstel’s method for organizing and locating characters falls prey to similar criticisms as he levels against Ann. While Van Amstel’s work is not without scholarly merit, the CCD offers anything but “a quick method for locating characters”, as claimed in the Introduction (p.12).

 

Van Amstel’s bold attempt at devising an alternative strategy for arranging and locating characters definitely qualifies as a scholarly achievement. Regardless of whether or not he has succeeded in devising an improved dictionary design, his approach to disassembling Chinese characters into their component parts pushes the envelope in studies looking into character formation, indexing, and retrieval by machine rather than human users.

Excerpt 节选

1. OVERVIEW OF DIRECTIONAL PARTICLES IN CANTONESE: FORM, FUNCTION AND GRAMMATICALIZATION

 

Traced back to verbs which denote direction and often referred to as directional complements in the literature, the twelve directional morphemes under investigation in Cantonese exhibit versatile usages. Despite that their number is small, the behaviors of this group of morphemes are heterogeneous. While most of them can be followed by a nominal which denotes location, hei2起 ‘raise (something) up’ and hoi1開 ‘move away’ cannot. Moreover, the grammaticalization paths that they have undergone are significantly different even for those of the antonymic pairs. While the directional meanings of all the morphemes have developed into abstract, non-directional and figurative meanings, only the meanings of some have evolved further to express the subjective evaluation of the speaker. The idiosyncrasies of this group of morphemes have attracted much attention from scholars. However, to this date, there is no systematic study of their evolution, a gap filled by Winnie Chor’s Directional Particles in Cantonese: Form, Function and Grammaticalization. In the monograph, the author explores how the spatial usages of this group of morphemes have developed into non-spatial usages using both diachronic and synchronic data from Cantonese. There are seven chapters in the book, including an introduction, five main chapters and a conclusion, followed by a section of references, a list of the complete citations of examples from the database and an index.

 

Chapter 1 provides a brief background of Cantonese, an overview of the grammaticalization studies in the West and Chinese and a discussion of phenomena often observed cross-linguistically during the grammaticalization process such as loss of morphosyntactic autonomy, semantic reduction, pragmatic enrichment, phonological attrition, persistence and unidirectionality. The twelve directional morphemes studied are introduced, including two which have a speaker-oriented reference point lai4嚟 ‘come,’ heoi3去 ‘go’ and ten which have a non-speaker-oriented reference point ceot1出 ‘move out,’ jap6入 ‘move in,’ hoi1開 ‘move away,’ maai4埋 ‘move towards,’ soeng5上 ‘ascend,’ lok6落 ‘descend,’ hei2起 ‘raise (something) up,’ dou3到 ‘arrive,’ faan1返 ‘move back,’ and gwo3過 ‘move across.’ Also, the data based on which analyses of the twelve directional morphemes are carried out are presented, and they span almost two centuries, consisting of pedagogical materials in Cantonese compiled between 1828 and 1941, scripts of films screened in the 1950s, 1970s and 1990s and data collected in the late 1990s. The goals of the author are to trace the development of the twelve directional morphemes in Cantonese with a special emphasis on the discourse-pragmatic aspect and to identify the mechanisms involved in their changes.

 

Winnie Chor’s book Directional Particles in Cantonese: Form, Function and Grammaticalization is a systematic investigation of the development of a set of twelve directional morphemes in Cantonese in the frameworks of grammaticalization and language change. Data from early Cantonese and contemporary Cantonese have been used to show how the directional usages of the morphemes have developed into their versatile usages including temporal and discourse-pragmatic meanings since the nineteenth century. Findings of the study contribute not only to the studies of Cantonese linguistics and grammaticalization, but also enhance our understanding of the development of the versatile usages of this set of morphemes, usages which may not seem to relate to their sources in any obvious way.

Report 报告

Abstract 摘要
As part of the 50th Annual International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, the University of Melbourne and Chinese Academy of Social Sciences held a joint workshop aimed at sharing ideas and methodologies in modern language maintenance. This paper describes the presentations given during the workshop and outlines the underlying themes of the event, namely the importance of language maintenance in the current environment of rapid language loss, the role that digital technologies play in this maintenance, and the benefits of cross-disciplinary and international collaboration in achieving these goals.

作为第50届 国际汉藏语言暨语言学会议的议程的一部分, 中国社会科学院与墨尔本大学联合主办了“语言传承与保护”工作坊。本次工作坊旨在分享和讨论现代语言传承与保护的理念与方法。本文简述工作坊中的简报和主题,即在语言迅速流失的背景下语言传承与保护的重要性,数字技术在语言传承与保护中所起的作用,以及跨学科与国际合作的裨益。

 

Keywords 关键词

Language maintenance 语言保护 Language endangerment 语言濒危 Sino-Tibetan languages 汉藏语言 Cross-disciplinary collaboration 跨学科合作

Memoriam 悼文

Excerpt 节选

The Russian linguist Sergei E. Yakhontov (Sergej Evgen’evič Jaxontov, Yǎhóngtuōfū 雅洪托夫 in Chinese) passed away on January 28, 2018. He was 91 years old. Jaxontov undoubtedly was one of the best scholars of his generation in Chinese linguistics, and a distinguished researcher in comparative and general linguistics as well.

Graduated in 1950 from the Oriental Faculty of Leningrad State University, Sergej E. Jaxontov has been a student of Alexandr Alexandrovič Dragunov (1900-1955, Lóng Guǒfū 龙果夫 in Chinese) and has further advanced many ideas and insights of his professor, creating what is now known as the St. Petersburg (Leningrad) School of Sino-Tibetan linguistics.

 

As early as in 1960, he made decisive contributions to Old Chinese phonology, proposing the medial *-l- as a consonant and a rounded vowel *o (hypothesis that Old Chinese had no freely occurring medial *-w-) predicting the existence of rhyming distinctions not recognized in the traditional analysis, which led him to submit a seven-vowel system with rather restricted distribution. (See the translation of Jaxontov’s (1960) paper in Norman’s (1970) English translation and also Jaxontov (1983, 1986)

 

Sergej E. Jaxontov is no longer with us to transmit his knowledge and understanding of the Chinese language and its historical development. He was a great linguist and his death leaves a large void in our field that will be hard to fill.


 

Volume 47, Number 2

Article 文章

Abstract 摘要
This paper classifies dipping tones in the framework of the Multi-Register and Four-Level Model, using new, firsthand acoustic data. Seven dipping types are identified. Four of them are produced in normal clear voice and affiliated with the Modal Register: (1) Central Dipping, typologically tran-scribed as /323/, (2) Back Dipping /523/, (3) Front Dipping /324/, and (4) Double Circumflex /4343/. The remaining three are produced with non-clear voice qualities: (5) Breathy Dipping /213/ and (6) Creaky Dipping /202/ in the Lower Register, and (7) Discontinuous Fortis Dipping /405>/ in the Upper Register. Each of the seven dipping tones contrasts with one or another with four distinctive features [± RgM, ±RgL, ±Hfront, ±Hback].

本文采用一手材料在分域四度框架中对凹调进行类型学分类,一共辨识出七种凹调。其中四种为常域清洌声凹调: (1) 央凹型,代码为/323/,(2) 后凹型 /523/,(3) 前凹型 /324/,(4) 两折型/4343/。另外三种凹调属于非清洌声声质:(5) 下域的气声凹型/213/ ,(6) 下域的嘎裂声凹型 /202/,(7) 上域的张裂声凹型 /405/。本文使用四对区别特征 [±RgM, ±RgL, ±Hfront, ±Hback] 来刻画这七种凹调。

 

Keywords 关键词

Tone 声调 Typology 类型学 Tonotype 调类 Dipping 凹调 Double Circumflex 两折调

Abstract 摘要
The paper shows that neither monosyllabic localizers nor disyllabic localizers in Mandarin are postpositions. More importantly, it argues that, contra pre-vious uniform treatments of monosyllabic localizers as postpositions, clitics, or deviates of nouns, monosyllabic localizers in Mandarin in fact serve dif-ferent functions in different contexts or constructions. Specifically, they can be used as a noun in at least a few limited contexts, as a root in a polymor-phemic word, and as a clitic when attached to a full-fledged NP. The paper shows that disyllabic localizers serve similar functions though, unlike mono-syllabic localizers, they can be used as regular nouns. The paper thus demon-strates that localizers, whether monosyllabic or disyllabic, can all be ana-lyzed with crosslinguistic notions like “noun,” “root,” and “clitic.” When monosyllabic and disyllabic localizers are used as nouns, they function as independent words. When they are a component of a polymorphemic word, they serve as a nominal root. When they function as a clitic, they are also nominal in nature.

本文认为,汉语普通话里的单音节及双音节方位成分(汉语语法书里多称为“方位词”)都不是后置词。更重要的是,文章提出如下观点:之前把单音节方位成分仅仅描述或分析为后置词、附着形式或名词的偏离类都是不太合适的,因为它们在不同的语境或结构中表现出不同的功能和用途。具体而言,单音节方位成分在有限的语境中可用作名词,在多语素词中可以作词根,还可以在跟复杂的名词短语连用时作附着形式。文章指出,尽管双音节方位成分可以作为普通名词来用,它们跟单音节方位成分有类似功能。所以,无论是单音节方位成分还是双音节方位成分,它们都可以用像“名词”、“词根”和“附着形式”这样的跨语言概念来描述和分析。它们单独作名词时是独立的词,它们作多语素词的构词成分时是名词性词根,而它们作附着形式时也可以说具有名词性。

 

Keywords 关键词

Localizer 方位成分 Mandarin Chinese 汉语 Clitic 附着形式 Postposition 后置词 Noun 名词

Abstract 摘要
This study investigates tongue configuration and its changes during the pro-duction of [ɤ] using ultrasound imaging. By collecting data from four native Mandarin speakers, this paper compares the tongue movement of [ɤ], [i] and [a] in Mandarin Chinese, and finds that [ɤ] has clearly higher variations than the other two monophthongs in tongue intrinsic length, tongue intrinsic height and accelerations in both horizontal and vertical directions. By analyzing the tongue shape of [ɤ] between the 30% and 80% time points of articulation, this research found that the tongue underwent the following movements in the process of producing [ɤ]: the tongue first humped at the front of the dor-sum. It then pivoted around the uvular region in small, continuous steps, namely, the tongue front lowered while tongue back rose. Simultaneously, the whole tongue underwent a de-arching movement, during which tongue dorsum lowered and the tongue stretched in the front-back direction. Under the mutual influence of the two movements, the whole tongue moved slight-ly backwards and declined in height. Finally, the tongue back and the rear of the tongue dorsum moved closer to the pharynx and uvula, while the tongue front lowered. Thus, the present paper partially validates Shi’s (2002b) view-point that [ɤ] is a transitional monophthong in Mandarin Chinese.

本文利用超声成像技术考察了四名汉语母语者汉语单元音[ɤ]发音时的舌体形态及其变化情况。通过对比[ɤ]与元音[i]、[a]发音时的舌体运动情况,本研究发现,[ɤ]在舌体内在长度、舌体内在高度、舌体各点在X轴和Y轴上的加速度等参数的变化上均显著高于稳定单元音[i]和[a]。通过对比[ɤ]在发音30%和80%时刻的舌体形态,本研究发现舌体[ɤ]的发音过程中经历了如下动作:首先,舌面中部隆起;其后,舌体以小舌下方区域为轴心,以连续但微小的幅度做旋转运动,即舌前部降低、舌背部升高;同时,整个舌体经历去拱运动,造成舌体中部高度降低、舌体向两端伸展。在两个同步舌体运动的共同作用下,这个舌体高度下降并稍向后移动。最终,舌根和舌面后分别靠近咽部和小舌区域、舌前部自然下垂。总之,从发音舌体运动角度,本论文可以部分证实石锋(2002b)的观点,即[ɤ]是普通话中的游移性单元音。

 

Keywords 关键词

Ultrasound 超声波 Mandarin 普通话 Transitional vowel 游移元音 Tongue movement 舌体运动 Accelera-tion 加速度

Abstract 摘要
This study examined three different types of four-character Chinese idioms, including those involving a coordinate relationship, a subject-predicate relationship, or a prosody-syntax mismatched structure, within the theoretical framework of prosodic syntax in Chinese, using Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to explore the interaction between syntax and prosody in the processing of these Chinese idioms. It is found that both the subject-predicate and the prosody-syntax mismatched idioms elicited the P600 effect, whreas the coordinate idioms did not, and there is no significant difference in brain potentials between the subject-predicate and the prosody-syntax mismatched idioms. The results show that the cognitive processing of Chinese idioms is not a synthetic process of meaning extraction, but an analytic process based on the prosody-syntax interaction within the idioms. In addition, the processing of Chinese idioms is not affected by the syntactic relation between the constituents within the idiom. This study supports the view of prosodic syntax in Chinese that syntactic processing of Chinese idioms may be contrained by prosodic features.

 

本研究根据韵律句法学理论,选取并列式、主谓式和错位式三种不同类型的四字格汉语成语,使用事件关联脑电位技术(Event-Related Potentials, ERPs),探讨了汉语成语的内部句法结构与韵律结构的相互作用对其脑认知加工的影响。结果发现,相比于并列式成语,主谓式和错位式成语都激发了P600效应,并且主谓式和错位式成语之间不存在显著的脑电位差异。该结果表明,汉语成语的认知加工不是整体的意义提取过程,而是根据成语内部的韵律句法关系进行的分析加工过程。汉语成语的加工不受成语内部实际句法关系的影响。本研究支持了汉语韵律句法学的观点,汉语韵律可以制约汉语成语的句法加工。

 

Subject Keywords 主题词

Chinese idioms 汉语成语 Chinese prosody 汉语韵律 Syntactic structure 句法结构 ERPs

Abstract 摘要
This paper describes a special case marking system in the Sinitic languages of Northwest China, by examining the materials from fieldwork and literature. This marking system represents a nominative-accusative system, in which A(gent) and S(ubject) are zero-marked while P(atient) is marked by the ac-cusative marker. It is special in the sense that (1) it is neither the same as the nominative-accusative system in the Altaic languages nor akin to the erga-tive-absolutive system in Tibetan, let alone Mandarin Chinese, in which case markers are absent; and (2) the dative-accusative syncretism is not seen in the nearby Tibetan and Altaic languages. This paper points out that Hezhou is a district in Northwest China in which many languages have long been in contact with each other, creating a linguistic area. The special case marking system discussed in this paper is the outcome of the language contact in the very linguistic area.

本文利用田野调查和已有文献材料,通过跨语言比较,详细描述中国西北地区汉语方言中存在的一种特殊格系统。这种格标记系统大体上是主宾格系统,即及物句和不及物句的施事零标记,及物句的受事加宾格标记。该格标记系统的特殊之处在于:(1)不同于该地区的藏语(作通格)、阿尔泰语(主宾格,但领有者和感受者上不加标记)和汉语(没有格标记),是一种混合的状态;(2)宾格和与格标记同音,也不见于周边的藏语和阿尔泰语。文章指出古河州地区是我国西北地区特定的一个语言区域,多种语言在该地区发生接触,形成了一些特定的区域特征,这种特殊的格标记系统正是语言接触的产物。

 

Keywords 关键词

Case marking system 格标记系统 Sinitic language of Northwest China 西北汉语 Language con-tact 语言接触 Linguistic area 语言区域

Abstract 摘要
At present, the commonly used braille in mainland China is essentially a “syllabic braille” (or pinyin braille), which shows many deficiencies in pro-moting braille informatization and literacy for people with visual impair-ments. The purpose of this paper is to propose a framework for Hanzi Braille to solve the above problems. Based on Mainland Chinese Braille (also called Current Chinese Braille), Hanzi Braille is customized by using the existing braille and adding signs in front of it. These signs, which are associ-ated with radicals of Chinese characters, help distinguishing homophones and expressing the meaning of a Chinese character. Derived from the exist-ing braille, Hanzi Braille breaks through the limitations of traditional braille. To some extent, it can help people with visual impairments integrate into the society of sighted people better and improve the efficiency of conversion between Chinese character and braille in the computer.

 

中国大陆目前通用的现行盲文本质上是一种音节盲文(或者称为拼音盲文),在盲文信息化和盲人识字方面表现出很多不足。本文旨在提出一种汉字盲文设计的框架结构以解决上述问题。汉字盲文基于现行盲文设计,利用现行盲文本身及在现行盲文前加标志位的方式定制盲文版汉字。这些标志位与汉字的偏旁相关联,不仅可以有效区分“同音字”,还可以表现汉字的意义。因此,汉字盲文虽然从“音节盲文”发展而来,但它突破了传统“音节盲文”的局限性,自成体系,在某种程度上有助于视力残疾人士更好的融入明眼人社会,也可以极大提高计算机汉字和盲文相互转换的效率。

 

Subject Keywords 主题词

Hanzi Braille 汉字盲文 Syllabic braille 音节盲文 Mainland Chinese Braille 现行盲文 Sign 标志位 Homophone 同音字

Abstract 摘要
Professor Yuen Ren Chao (赵元任), ex-president of the Linguistic Society of America, once wrote a homophonic discourse entitled “Shī shì shí shī shĭ 施氏食狮史” (Story of Stone Grotto Poet: Eating Lions) (Chao [1960]1980, 149). But so far, no one knows why such a discourse is possible. This paper makes an attempt to discuss this issue. It is argued that the possibility of homophonic discourse is principally attributed to the fact that unlike English, the Chinese language has a unique bipartite spelling system, i.e., one com-posed of Chinese character spellings and Chinese pinyin spellings, and that they correspond to each other in terms of over 400 Chinese Pinyin syllables with variations through tones which satisfy the phonological, graphological, morphological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic premises for the construal of a homophonic discourse.

前美国语言协会主席赵元任教授曾经写了一篇题为《施氏食狮史》的同音文。但迄今为止,尚无人知道该类同音文何以可能。对此本文进行了探讨。认为同音文之所以可能,主要是因为汉语不像英语,它有一个独特的双重拼写系统,即一个由汉字拼写与汉语拼音拼写构成的系统,这两个拼写子系统通过超过400个音节加声调变化相对应,能满足同音文构建所需的语音、拼写、形态、句法、语义和语用等前提条件。

 

Keywords 关键词

Homophonic discourse 同音文 Bipartite spelling system 双重拼写系统 Syllable 音节 Chinese character 汉字 Chinese pinyin 汉语拼音 Premise 前提

Abstract 摘要
This study quantitatively investigated word frequencies in parallel Chinese texts at three different periods, namely, Classical Chinese (1855), Beijing Mandarin (1908) and Modern Mandarin (2010), attempting to shed some light on the evolution of the Chinese language over the last 150 years. With the evolution of Chinese: both the types and tokens increased dia-chronically, and sharp changes can be found in the high-frequency func-tion words, vocabulary richness, and the distribution of word classes. The syntactic structure has also become increasingly complex. In addition, although the length of words (measured in character) has increased dia-chronically, disyllabic words have not always been preponderant in Chi-nese after the opium war of 1840–1842. The results show that the com-plication is a crucial trend in the evolution process of Chinese.

本文通过对文言(1855)、北京官话(1908)和现代汉语(2010)三个不同时期马可福音译本的量化调查,从词汇的角度展示了近150年汉语的演化。随着汉语的演化,马可福音中词的种类和数量显著增加;高频虚词、词汇丰富度和词类分布也发生了很大的变化;句法结构变得越来越复杂;尽管词变得越来越长,鸦片战争后复音词并不总是占优势。结果显示,复杂化是汉语演化过程中的一个重要趋势。

 

Keywords 关键词

Language evolution 语言演化 Chinese 汉语 Word frequency 词频 The Gospel of Mark 马可福音 Quantitative methods 定量方法

Abstract 摘要
In this paper, we tease out the transliterations in the documents transliterated in Chinese characters such as Hua yi yi yu and Lulongsai lüe, and in Latin Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-Français (Kowalewski 1844–1849), and study when and how the affricates /*tʃh/ and /*tʃ/ in initial position of Pro-to-Mongolian diversified in Khalkha. We conclude that the time of di-versifi-cation of /*tʃh/ and /*tʃ/ was no later than the 19th century. More pre-cisely, it was between 1610 and 1844, and the sound change was condi-tioned by the short vowel -i- following the affricates. However, the ultimate formation of the four affricates in Khalkha is a result of the competition be-tween the Rule of Diversification (Rule I) and the Rule of Fracture (Rule II), which operated in the same period and under the same condition.

本文对汉字注音文献《华夷译语》《卢龙塞略》和 Dictionnaire Mongol-Russe-Français(蒙俄法词典)(Kowalewski 1844–1849) 中的标音进行了细致的梳理,研究了原始蒙古语词首塞擦音/*tʃh/和/*tʃ/在喀尔喀方言中分化的时间和条件。我们认为/*tʃh/和/*tʃ/在喀尔喀方言中分化的时间不晚于19世纪,即在1610–1844年之间完成;而分化的条件则与*tʃh-和*tʃ-后面紧跟的短元音-i-相关。喀尔喀方言中四个塞擦音的最终形成是“分化规律”(规律一)和“转折规律”(规律二)在同一时间内、同一条件下相互竞争的结果。

 

Keywords 关键词

Proto-Mongolian 原始蒙古语 Khalkha 喀尔喀方言 Diversification of affricates in initial position 词首塞擦音的演变 Competing sound change 竞争演变

Abstract 摘要
Classical Chinese has been “dead” for over two millennia, but continues to exert significant influence. This article uses a corpus of modern public signs in Taiwan to explore how the interplay between modern and classical Chinese in formal register both resembles and differs from other types of language contact. In particular, it looks at the influence of classical Chinese on content words, function words and grammatical structure. This kind of “language contact across time” resembles other kinds of language contact in having L1 as a “grammar language” and L2 as a “lexifier language.” However, L2 influence on content words, though including some basic vocabulary, is more limited than usual, and while L2 influence on grammatical structure is fairly limited, its influence on function words is more extensive than in other types of language contact. A number of structural, functional and pragmatic explanations are discussed.

古代汉语虽可说已消逝两千多年,然其对现代汉语的影响至今仍相当可观。本文用台湾牌示的语言材料来探讨文言与白话在正式语体中的互动关係,尤其是这种互动与其它类型的语言接触之异同:文言如何影响著实词、虚词及语法结构?所谓“跨时语言接触”与其它类型的语言接触一样,是将 L1 当“语法语言”、 L2 当“词彙语言”。然而,L2 对实词的影响虽包括一些基本词彙,却比大部分的语言接触少,而虽然 L2 对语法结构的影响不大,可是对虚词比其它类型的语言接触却也大得多。本文试图从结构、功能及语用各角度来解释这样的异同。

 

Keywords 关键词

Language contact across time 跨时语言接触 Borrowing from the past 跨时外来语 Formal style 正式语体 Public signs 牌示 Grammatical loan 外来语法 Vocabulary loan 外来词汇

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