Diachronic change and language contact dialects in Southeast China
历时演变与语言接触: 中国东南方言
Edited by Hung-nin Samuel Cheung and Song Hing Chang
张洪年，张双庆主编
Article 文章
Abstract 摘要
Published more than 80 years ago, the Studies of Modern Wu Dialects by Yuen Ren Chao laid a solid foundation for the study of Wu dialects and is often regarded as a classic in the field. Since then, much progress has been achieved. There are fields, however, where research has yet be further explored. In our continuous endeavors, we should remember that language survey is the topmost priority in dialectal studies and that we follow the spirit of our forerunner, critical and innovative, breaking new grounds by being ready to modify and advance our theory, methodology and approach. It is hoped that our efforts will bring the study of Wu and other dialects to new heights of accomplishments in the coming years.
Keywords 关键词
Chinese dialectology 汉语方言 Wu dialects 吴语 Studies of Modern Wu Dialects 《现代吴语的研究》
Abstract 摘要
On the basis of the data collected from field work about 30 years ago and by comparing them with materials gathered in recent years, the author argues that there have been increasing contacts, both social and linguistic, between inhabitants in urban Shanghai and those living in the suburban areas. As a result of frequent language contact, the phonology of the suburban dialects has moved rapidly towards the urban system. The current ratio of similarity between the two is as high as 65%. The change is also indicative of the prestige that the urban dialect holds over the suburban varieties.
Keywords 关键词
Dialect 方言 The Shanghai dialect 上海话 Dialects in contact 方言接触
Abstract 摘要
There are two kinds of Tone Sandhi phenomena in the Suzhou dialect: (a) a phonetic Tone Sandhi operating with the last syllable as the base, and (b) a phonetic and semantic Tone Sandhi with the first syllable as the base. As the last syllable in (b) is highly neutralized in tone, the prevalence of the phenomenon results in change in tone classes, involving sandhi rules that are completely different from those of the phonetic type. These two types of Tone Sandhi belong to different synchronic levels and they happened in historical strata of different periods. The phonetic sandhi belonged to the main layer in the early period, and the phonetic/semantic sandhi represented an innovative layer, a derivation from the phonetic layer. The phonetic/semantic sandhi initially affected syntactic units such as the aspectual, the reduplicative and the quantifier expressions. The change then spread its influence to other syntactic and lexical units. At present, the change has become the main layer, with the phonetic sandhi remaining as a variant form. The process of derivation from the phonetic/semantic sandhi resembles that of lexical grammaticalization.
Keywords 关键词
Suzhou dialect 苏州方言 Tone Sandhi 连读变调 Base character 基字 Drift 漂移 Synchronic level 共时层面 Diachronic strata 历史层次 Syntax diffusion 语法扩散 Grammaticalization 语法化
Abstract 摘要
This paper studies two special tonal phenomena of the Haiyan dialect: the influence of aspirated stops on tones, and the tonal split of the Yangshang tone in relation to initial devoicing. There are three parts in this paper. Part one is a brief description of the sound system of Haiyan; Part two addresses the influence of aspirated stops on tones; and Part three discusses the tonal split of the Yangshang and also the devoicing of the initial stop.
Keywords 关键词
Wu dialects 吴方言 Influence of aspirated stops on tones 送气分调 Stop devoicing of the Yangshang 古全浊声母清化
Abstract 摘要
In the book Huyu Bian Shang (The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders]), published 100 years ago, we identify the use of “”compound tense””, which have different combinations of “Tense” and “Aspect”, in the Shanghai dialect. This paper discusses six kinds of compound tenses and other aspects.
从100年前上海出版的《沪语便商》中，可以发现当时上海方言存在着的时体结合的复合时态，本文讨论上海方言中的六个复合时态和其它的体。
Keywords 关键词
The Shanghai Dialect Guide for Visiting Traders 《沪语便商》 The Shanghai Dialect 上海方言 Compound tense 复合时态
Abstract 摘要
This article is an analysis, from the phonemic point of view, of the vowel alternations occurring with some tonemes called Bianyin in the Fuzhou Dialect. The author divides the tonemes of the dialect into the glottalized and unglottalized groups, and presumes that the glottalization, originally being a device to distinguish the lower falling tones from the higher, made the vowels lower or back, thus resulted in the Bianyin. He divides the Bianyin into the phonetic Bianyin and the phonemic Bianyin, the former being only phonetic variations of vowels, while the latter having already evolved to morpho-phonemic alternations. The phonemic Bianyin will be maintained even after the glottalized tonemes lose their glottalization and change to high tones, the Bianyin in some Northern Mindong dialects would be an example. Finally, the author offers some critical remarks on the opinion that would treat Bianyin as a case of lexical diffusions.
Keywords 关键词
Fuzhou dialect 福州方言 Bianyin 变韵 Glottalization 紧喉 Phonemic interpretation 音位解释
Abstract 摘要
This paper explores desiderative modals such as beɁ4, ai3 and negative words such as m7, bo5 and bue7/be7 with respect to their individual semantic properties and the meanings that arise in combination with other words. As attested in authentic data, the interpretations of these words have an intimate relationship with the constructions in which they occur. A finding in this paper is that asymmetric relation between form and meaning is shown in monosyllabic words such as beɁ4, ai3 and m7, whereas when they are changed into disyllabic words the meaning becomes more explicit and less susceptible to ambiguity. As a result, earlier monosyllabic and newly developing disyllabic words form a picture of coexistence and even competition.
Keywords 关键词
Desideration 欲求 Modal 情态 Negation 否定 Competition 竞争 Taiwanese Southern Min 台湾闽南语
Abstract 摘要
A close comparison of more than 2,000 words in the dialects of the native Southern-Min region indicates a high level of lexical uniformity, especially among Quanzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou. While Longyang displays some influence from Hakka, Datian shows influence from Middle and Northern Min.
Keywords 关键词
Native Southern-min Dialects 本土闽南话 The Uniformity of Vocabularies 词汇一致性
Abstract 摘要
The Dongshi Hakka is one of the Dapu varieties. There are six vowels: [i, ö, e, a, o, u]. The apical vowel [ö] occurs only after [ts, tsh, s] and [tS, tSh, S] and it is not followed by any consonant. The other five vowels constitute 62 Finals, abiding by the CGVE syllable structure together with 4 constraints. The four constraints or rules are: (a) Dissimilation Constraint, precluding any vowel of the same [back] feature from constituting a diphthong; (b) Assimilation Constraint, stopping a vowel and its following consonant from sharing different [back] features. (c) Diphthong Principle, demanding that one of the diphthong vowels should be a high vowel; and (d) Labial Constraint, prohibiting any syllable in which the onset and the coda are both labial sounds.
Keywords 关键词
Hakka phonology 客家音系学 Rime structure 韵母结构 Dongshi Hakka 东势客家话
Abstract 摘要
The paper studies the use of nominal expression in Hong Kong Hakka as observed in an 1879 colloquial language textbook, entitled Qimeng qianxue. With the help of an EXCEL classification program, we are able to conduct a comparison between the textbook language and the modern day Hakka as spoken in the New Territories. This paper observes various patterns of development in the last hundred years. It also notes other historical and social factors responsible for the changes.
Keywords 关键词
The Basel Missionary Society 巴色会 New Territories of Hong Kong 香港新界 Hakka dialect 客家方言 Noun 名词 Noun phrase 名词性短语 Lexical changes 词汇演变
Abstract 摘要
Syllable isochrony in general and motivated syllable lengthening at times in Cantonese are no contradiction; in fact they corroborate each other. Signaling of sentence stress is one of the functions that syllable lengthening fulfils in Cantonese. This paper compares the duration structures of stressed (therefore lengthened) and non-stressed syllables, so as to see the effect of syllable lengthening on the duration of the syllable nucleus (V) vis-a-vis that of the coda (Cd). The paper is based on an experiment with two informants, one male (M) and one female (F). The experiment has two parts. Part 1 looks at how the trochaic (long V, short Cd) rimes and iambic (short V, long Cd) rimes behave, respectively, across the three types of rimes classified according to manner of articulation of coda, namely, vowel vs. nasal vs. stop. The results show that, with the exception of iambic rimes with stop coda, all the other five types of V-Cd configuration exhibit the pattern of putting the burden of lengthening mainly on the part (V or Cd) that has the “long” attribute. Iambic rimes with stop coda, on the other hand, put that burden mainly on the V, which originally has the “short” attribute. Part 2 is focused on rimes with stop coda, which show anomaly in Part 1. The rimes [aːt] and [ɐt] (representing trochee and iamb respectively) combine with different following onsets exhaustively to give a larger sample. The results corroborate the pattern exhibited in Part 1 as far as F is concerned. As for M, the results are somewhat mixed. While the majority cases are compatible with F, the remainder cases (applicable to trochaic and iambic rimes alike) are disparate and defy clear pattern abstraction. The pattern that F exhibits throughout and M exhibits in the majority of cases corroborates our observation of the general behavior of native speakers of Cantonese. One can assume that this is the normal behavior of native Cantonese speakers. In this behavior, the singular pattern applicable to iambic rimes with stop coda, namely that it is mainly the V with the “short” attribute that is lengthened to achieve syllable lengthening, can be explained by the fact that a stop coda in Cantonese typically assumes a period of time without audible phonetic signal, and thus does not lend itself to lengthening.
Keywords 关键词
Syllable lengthening 音节延长 Duration 时长 Stress 重读 Syllable nucleus 韵腹韵尾 Coda 长短 Vowel 元音
Abstract 摘要
This study attempts to explore from both semantic and syntactic perspectives the various uses of bei in early Cantonese, including a verb of giving, a dative marker, an instrument marker, a causative marker and a passive marker. We propose that the above uses originated from bei’s Idealized Cognitive Model of the act of giving. Three features of the act of giving, i.e. benefit, the use of hands and the transfer of possession, motivated the verb of bei to develop into a dative marker, an instrument marker and a causative marker, respectively. The uses of bei as an instrument marker and a causative marker further evolved into a passive use based on different conditions. While the presence of a patient subject caused the instrument marker bei to develop into a passive marker, the loss of control of the subject, especially when a negative sentence and a sensory verb or a non-action verb are involved, easily triggered the causative marker bei to become a passive marker.
Keywords 关键词
Bei-sentences 畀字句 Early Cantonese 早期粤语 Grammaticalization 语法化 Semantics 语义 Syntax 句法
Abstract 摘要
This paper discusses the semantic similarities and changes in the use of the potential complement ‘V-dak-X’ and ‘A-dak-X’ in Cantonese from 1828 to the present time. As not all ‘A-dak-X’ experiences in Cantonese carry a potential reading, attempts are made to find out the semantic features, that determine the potential reading in ‘A-dak-X’.
“粤语表能性的「A得X」结构，不但不见于现代汉语，而且自十九世纪以来，其语义也产生变化。本文比较粤语能性「V得Ｘ」和「Ａ得Ｘ」的义项及各义项出现的先后次序，并讨论能性「Ａ得Ｘ」的语义特点。
Keywords 关键词
Cantonese 粤语 Grammar 语法 Potential Complements 能性述补结构 V-DAK-X V得X A-DAK-X A得X
Abstract 摘要
This paper aims at exploring the origin of the peculiar “verb + object + complement” construction (“VOC” construction) in Nanning Yue, a Yue dialect closely related to Standard Cantonese. It is pointed out that the “VOC” construction in Nanning Yue is not an archaic feature, but a result of “shift-induced interference” (cf. Thomason 2001) when a large number of Zhuang speakers, who used “VOC” construction in their mother tongue, shifted to Nanning Yue about a century ago. The examples shown in this paper provide solid evidence in support of Chen’s (2005) theory, that suggests that “shift-induced interference” plays an important role in the divergence of Chinese dialects.
Keywords 关键词
Nanning Yue 南宁粤语 Zhuang language 壮语 Language contact 语言接触 Shift-induced interference 转用干扰 Verb complement construction 述补结构
Abstract 摘要
The verbs for give in the Yue dialects of Central and Western Guangxi are different from those found in Guangdong. In the Bai dialects of Nanning and Youjiang, both [kɐi] (with a yangping tone) and 畀 [pei35] are used. In Guangdong, however, the verb [kɐi55] is gaining prominence. The word commonly used in the Pinghua dialects of Southern Guangxi is [kɐi] (with a yinqu tone) or its corresponding variants. Drawing upon the previous studies of the 19th century Yue language and by comparing Yue with neighboring Zhuang languages, this paper aims at exploring the origin and usages of the give-verb, with a focus on its phonological development, semantic functions, and the process of grammaticalization.
Keywords 关键词
The give-verb「给予」 Verb 动词 Yue dialects 粤方言 Zhuang languages 壮语 Language contact 语言接触
Abstract 摘要
Down through the history of their contact over more than 200 years, Cantonese has borrowed many words from English and assimilated them into its lexicon primarily via phonetic transliteration. Although Cantonese has developed a written form, it has never been formally standardized. One result of the lack of standardization has been variation in both the phonetic and graphemic representations of loanwords, with some loanwords having two or more competing pronunciations and written forms; further, the means of graphemic representation also varies with some loanwords being written entirely with Chinese characters, or entirely with letters of the English alphabet, or in a combination of Chinese characters and letters together. Some degree of systematicity underlies this variability and so allows us to identify five main ways by which English loanwords are being graphemically represented in the contemporary Cantonese language of Hong Kong.
Keywords 关键词
Cantonese 粤语 English loanwords 英语借词 Graphemic representation 书写方法
Abstract 摘要
There has been a controversy as to which language family the Shehua (畬話) belongs to and what relations it has to do with the Sheyu (畬語). The paper examines the issues with an emphasis on the basic core vocabulary and its shared innovation in phonology. It concludes that Shehua should be classified as one of the branches of the modern Hakka dialect and that it could be derived from the same ancestor language with Sheyu in the past.
Keywords 关键词
Shehua 畬话 Sheyu 畬语 Hakka dialect 客家话 Basic core vocabulary 基本词汇 Shared innovation 共同创新 Genetic affiliation 归属
Abstract 摘要
The purpose of this paper is to discuss the behavior of the medial in Hui and other Chinese dialects. Rather than being categorized as a member of Northern Chinese where there is a 4-way distinction among medials, the Hui language belongs to a three-tier medial system, similar to what we find in dialects in Southeast China. Furthermore, we believe that the phonological system underlying the Hui language is one in which there is no medial, but there are initials with labiolization and palatalization. We conclude that, by comparing special medial sounds in Hui with what we find in Southeast China, the Hui language displays an historical inheritance from the past, a linguistic novelty of its own, and possibly influence from aboriginal languages in the area.
Keywords 关键词
Medial sounds 介音 Hui dialects 徽语 Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Language contact 语言接触 Substratum 底层语言 Language change 历史演变
Abstract 摘要
It is generally believed that the phonological modification of diminutive in Wuhan and some of its neighboring dialects is a matter of R-suffixation. The actual changes are, however, so different from the typical R-suffixation. In this paper, we suggest that the modified forms in Wuhan represents the residues of diminutive nasal endings, and not a result of the R-suffixation.
In the diminutive rimes of Wuhan Dialect, the original codas are replaced by /n/ and the original vowels are neutralized as a result of vowel nasalization，eventually yielding 
and 
. For example, 
.
Within the framework of the grammaticalization cycle (Tsao, 2006) and also on the basis of a the cross-dialectal comparison, we find convergent rime changes in a number of other dialects similar to those in Wuhan. Thus, in this paper, we argue that the diminutive forms in Wuhan dialect are residues of nasal suffixation, instead of R-suffixation. The nasal suffixation results in syllabic changes and vowel convergences. We believe that in the past diminutive nasal endings were productive in Wuhan, as in the case of the Wu dialects. Towards the end of the grammaticalization cycle, however, the nasalized vowels, which served as the diminutive marker at that stage, are denasalized, ending with the diminutive forms in today’s Wuhan dialect.
Keywords 关键词
Wuhan dialect 武汉方言 Diminutive rime change 小称音变 R-suffixation 类儿化音变 Diminutive nasal ending/nasalization 鼻音尾／鼻化小称词 Vowel convergence 元音趋同 Diminutive forms 小称调
Abstract 摘要
There are many cases in Chinese dialects where a zero-onset in a syllable has changed into a nasal onset. The nasalization may take place before a high vowel, or a low vowel, or before both. This paper studies a few of these cases and analyzes the mechanism responsible for such changes.
汉语方言中有不少零声母转化为鼻音声母的现象，既有限于细音的、专见于洪音的，也有洪细并见的，本文就一些常见语例进行分析，观察其分布及发生的机制。
Keywords 关键词
Chinese dialects 汉语方言 Zero-initial 零声母 Vowel height 洪细 Nasalization 鼻化
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